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How to Check in on Your Friendships

—Photo-Illustration by TIME (Source Image: Catherine Falls Commercial/Getty Images)

You know your best friend’s coffee order, complicated family dynamics, and feelings about her boss. But you might not know whether she wishes you called more—or how much she appreciated that text you sent last week.

“We have this expectation that friendships should be easy, that we should always be affirmed, that our friends are kind of there forever,” says Nick Fager, a therapist in New York. Yet the people you want in your life for the long haul need care and attention. That’s why he encourages clients to do friendship check-ins: brief conversations about how things are going between you, including what you appreciate and what could use a little work.

These chats can help you identify hurt feelings before they turn into resentment, figure out how to support each other through changes, and say the lovely things you’ve been thinking but haven’t actually shared. They can also be fun. “A check-in should involve laughter,” Fager says.

To try it, choose a relaxed moment—on a walk or over coffee—and start by telling your friend how much they mean to you, suggests Janine O’Brien, a clinical psychologist in New York. Explain that you’d love to check in about how you can keep being good friends to each other. Pick one question to start with, give each other room to answer, and resist the urge to immediately defend yourself if something uncomfortable comes up.

We asked friendship experts which questions are worth making time for—and why.

“What’s working for you in this friendship right now?”

Maybe your friend can make you laugh on a day when absolutely nothing is funny. Or she remembers when you’re waiting on medical test results and checks in. You appreciate it. Does she know that?

“We love so many things about our friends that we don’t actually tell them,” Fager says. “When’s the last time you told them exactly what you love about them?”

Starting with what’s good gives you both a chance to feel appreciated—and makes it easier to talk about anything that’s been bothering you. Be specific: You love that she makes the plans, that you can tell her embarrassing things, or that she’s kept the same ridiculous inside joke alive for 15 years.

Friendship check-ins shouldn’t only happen when there’s something to fix, O’Brien adds. “It’s important to also be able to say what you appreciate in the relationship and what’s working well,” she says. Over time, that can help you feel more comfortable expressing disappointment or hurt, too.

“How do you feel about our level of contact recently?”

You think your monthly phone calls are keeping the friendship humming along. Your friend misses when you talked every week. Neither of you knows there’s a mismatch, because you’ve both been assuming the other person feels the same way.

By asking this question, Fager says, you’ll find out. You might discover that you’re both perfectly happy with how often you connect; or, your friend might finally admit they’ve been missing you. For example, Fager says, a friend might say: “We used to hang out a lot more before you had your kid, and now it’s less. Could we maybe try to do a little bit more?”

You can also talk about who’s doing the reaching out. If you’re always the one suggesting dinner, it’s easy to wonder whether you’d ever see each other if you stopped asking. Your friend, meanwhile, might have no idea you mind being the designated planner.

Once you know how you each feel, you can figure out what’s realistic. Maybe that means a standing call, more voice notes, or taking turns organizing your next get-together. You might not be able to talk every day, but you can make sure neither of you is left wondering where the other stands.

“I’m not going anywhere.”

Sometimes, your friend knows she hasn’t been calling enough. She’s also raising young kids, taking care of her aging dad, or barely keeping up with work—and worrying that you’re upset with her is one more thing weighing on her.

When a close friend was busy with two young children during the pandemic, friendship expert Anna Goldfarb, author of Modern Friendship, wanted to take that worry away. As they sat down at a restaurant, she reassured her that she understood how busy she was.

“I know you think about me all the time. I think about you all the time too,” she told her. “My door is always open for you.”

Her friend’s shoulders dropped, Goldfarb recalls. She didn’t have to find more time to spend together or apologize for not having it.

“Instead, the strategy I chose was just certainty,” Goldfarb says. “I’m not going anywhere. You’re still my best friend, and it’s OK if we don’t talk.”

“Have there been any moments recently between us that you’d like to revisit?”

That joke at dinner stung. Or your friend seemed distracted when you were telling her something important, and you’ve been wondering whether to bring it up ever since. By now, it might feel like you’ve missed your chance.

You haven’t: This question makes room to return to something you didn’t know how to address in the moment. Otherwise, Fager says, “we end up just stewing on it and then distancing ourselves." Or we tell another friend what happened—and the person who could actually help clear things up never hears about it.

Even close friends hurt each other’s feelings without meaning to, Fager says. Asking about those moments lets your friend know it’s OK to bring them up—and that you’re willing to listen.

If you’re the one asking, let your friend finish before explaining what you meant. Listen, acknowledge what hurt, and apologize when appropriate. You can also return to the conversation if you realize later that there’s more you want to say. As Fager puts it: “The check-in is not everything.” Part of its purpose is to make the next honest conversation easier.

“How do you feel that you’ve changed recently, and how can I support you in that?”

Your college drinking buddy doesn’t drink anymore. The friend who used to close down every party now wants to leave by 9. You’re happy to reminisce about who you were together—but how much do you know about who she is now?

“We often want the person to stay in a certain version of themselves because it reminds us of a certain phase of life,” Fager says. That version might be especially fun, or familiar, or easy to connect with. Still, holding someone to it can leave them feeling like there’s little room to grow.

Asking what’s changed gives your friend a chance to tell you about a shift you might not have noticed. Someone who’s given up alcohol, for example, might want to rethink where you hang out or explain what kind of support would help, Fager notes.

You can still remember old adventures—while making room for new ones. “It’s important to also recognize that things have shifted,” he says.

“Is there anything happening in your life that I can show up better for?”

You know your friend’s mother is sick. But does your friend want to talk about it—or would she be more grateful for an invitation to do something that gets her mind off it for a while?

O’Brien recommends asking rather than assuming you know what would help. Your friend might need something you hadn’t thought to offer, or want to talk about a problem you didn’t realize she was dealing with. Maybe you’ve been asking about her mother, but no one’s asked how she’s holding up.

Give her time to think. “They may not know how to explain the support they need,” Goldfarb says. “They may feel put on the spot.” You can make clear that she doesn’t owe you an answer right away: “You don’t have to know now. I just want you to know you can ask me.”

If she’s unsure, try offering something specific: “Would you like some company this weekend?” or “Can I drop off dinner on Tuesday?” That gives your friend something concrete to respond to—and a chance to tell you whether you’re on the right track.

“How can we keep each other on track for our goals?”

Perhaps your friend wants to finish writing their first book, start running again, or finally launch the newsletter they’ve been talking about. Asking how you can help gives you something meaningful to work on together—and a reason to keep checking in. “Working on a goal is a wonderful, wonderful gift we can give to our friends,” Goldfarb says. “It’s something to talk about.”

She recently discussed doing a weekly check-in with a friend about their Substacks: On Fridays, they could text each other about how things were going. That gives their conversations a purpose tied to something they both care about.

Ask what kind of involvement your friend would welcome. Maybe she wants someone to celebrate small wins with, read a draft, or join her for a walk while she talks through an idea. Agree on a rhythm that feels useful to both of you, Goldfarb suggests, whether that’s a weekly text or a monthly conversation.

“What can we do that’s ours?”

“We should get together soon” is an excellent way to end a conversation and a less reliable way to get something on the calendar. Try asking what you’d actually be excited to do together.

Goldfarb posed this question to her busy friend after reassuring her that she understood why regular hangouts weren’t realistic. Her friend suggested a birthday slumber party. “Girl, let’s do it,” Goldfarb told her. Their birthdays are both in March, and they’ve now kept the tradition going for several years—with Goldfarb’s husband making himself scarce for the occasion. “He high-tails it to his mom’s house,” she says.

Your version could be an annual camping trip, a hike you’ve been meaning to take, or dinner at the restaurant you keep sending each other posts about. Choose something you both want to make time for, even if it happens less often than you once imagined.

“Part of the challenge of modern friendship is being flexible and being open to the variety of friendships we get to have,” Goldfarb says. “It’s not better or worse. It’s different.”


Breaking Down the Wicked Finale of Netflix's The Body

(L-R): Shirley Chen as Maddie, Sarah Abbot as Olivia, Geena Meszaros as Lisbeth, Bella Neuspiel as Katie, and Emily Roman as Claire in Episode 5 of The Body Season 1. —Netflix

Warning: This post contains spoilers for the Season 1 finale of The Body.

In the aftermath of a team initiation ritual gone wrong on Halloween night, the members of the St. Mark's Catholic school all-girls dance squad find themselves at the center of a townwide mass hysteria event. Or, perhaps the visions of the Lions' comatose new recruit Grace (Sofia Wylie) are actually a sign from God.

That's the tension at the heart of Netflix's The Body, all eight episodes of which are now streaming. But it's certainly not the only conflict at play in the 2004-set raunchy teen psychodrama. Created by Quinn Shephard (Under the Bridge)—who has described the series as a love letter to Y2K-era teen movies and erotic thrillers like Jennifer's Body and Heavenly Creatures mixed with the collective paranoia themes of The Crucible—The Body explores the relationships between the teens as they navigate the buried secrets shaping their lives.

By the time the finale rolls around, Lions captain Anya (Kristina Bogic) has pulled back from her forced friendship with outcast-turned-chief team manipulator Lisbeth (Geena Meszaros) in favor of preserving her secret romance with her best friend and co-captain Elise (Sara Boustany). The problem is, Lisbeth is still the only person who knows Anya was the one who found Grace passed out in a drug-induced stupor at the Halloween party, gave up on her plan to take Grace to the hospital after she appeared to stop breathing, and, at Lisbeth's suggestion, snuck Grace's body back inside her house to try to make it look like she had never been out with them. Meanwhile, a desperate Lisbeth is ready to use this information to blackmail Anya into letting her and her brother Leo (Jackson Kelly) live with Anya's family so they aren't forced to return to their West Virginia hometown with their mentally unwell religious zealot mother Catherine (Louisa Krause). Lisbeth also threatens to out Anya and Elise to get her way, an outcome that terrifies Anya more than anything.

"I’ve always been interested in the idea of girlhood as a religious experience. This story is definitely my way of putting a playful spin on all the nightmares of my own teenage-dom," Shephard told Netflix's Tudum. "I think that the emotions of trying to figure out who you are, how to love your identity, where you align with your belief system, and wanting to be loved [don’t] ever really go away. I think that the truth is that as much as we’d like to think otherwise, we don’t ever stop coming of age." 

The truth comes out

(L-R): Julia Lowe as Blair, Kristina Bogic as Anya, Sara Boustany as Elise, and Emily Roman as Claire in the Season 1 premiere of The Body. —Netflix

After it's revealed that Grace had ecstasy in her bloodstream—something the doctors initially missed because it wasn't part of their standard testing panel—and that the Lions were lying about Grace appearing to them in visions, St. Mark's head priest and Grace's uncle Father Franklin (Nnamdi Asomugha) comes to understand he sanctified a miracle that had no basis in fact. But with Grace's father Michael (Motell Foster) convinced he also had a vision of Grace and a crowd of Grace devotees, including Leo and Grace's best friend and fellow Lion Maddie (Shirley Chen), gathered outside Grace's home to pay witness to her, the situation has spiraled completely out of Father Franklin's control.

Across town at the big debutante ball, Anya's conscience finally gets the best of her after Elise confronts her about the fact that Anya was seemingly willing to let both her boyfriend Steven (Orlando Norman) and Elise herself take the fall for what Anya and Lisbeth did to Grace. After Anya flees the ball, Lisbeth, in what appears to be an attempt to secure her position on the team and protect herself from Anya's accusations, decides to spin the truth of what happened on Halloween night to make the Lions believe Grace would've died if Lisbeth hadn't managed to resurrect her. Meanwhile, a deteriorating Catherine is busy at home taking part in the same Pentecostal cult ritual that killed Lisbeth and Leo's father: drinking poison and dangling a live rattlesnake in front of her face.

Reeling from everything that's happened and believing Grace is dead, Anya rushes over to Grace's house and confesses her sins to Father Franklin. However, it's at that moment that Grace at long last rouses from her incapacitated state and shocks her parents, uncle, and Anya with her waking declaration: "I'm God."

What's next?

(L-R): Nnamdi Asomugha as Father Samuel Franklin and Sofia Wylie as Grace in the Season 1 premiere of The Body. —Netflix

While The Body hasn't yet been renewed for a second season, the Season 1 finale certainly seems to indicate Shephard has more of this story to tell. Not only does the show leave the true nature of what's happened to Grace up for debate, but Season 1 also ends with the fates of several main characters hanging in the balance.

Will Lisbeth take over as the Lions captain now that Anya and Elise have lost the team's trust? Is Anya going to try to pin the blame for everything that happened on Lisbeth? Will Anya ever come to terms with her sexuality and repair her relationship with Elise? Is Catherine dead? Is Grace just repeating what she heard everyone saying about her while she was in a coma, or does she really believe God is moving through her? Is any sort of divine intervention actually at play?

For answers to these questions and more, all we can do now is put our faith in Netflix to bestow us with another season.


Kennedy Family Members Sue to Stop Construction of Trump Arch

The Arlington Memorial Bridge spans over the Potomac River to Memorial Circle, site of President Donald Trump's proposed triumphal arch with Arlington National Cemetery in the background in Washington, D.C., on Nov. 4, 2026. —Kevin Carter—Getty Images

The Kennedys have sued to stop construction of President Donald Trump’s “triumphal” arch.

On Tuesday, nine members of the dynastic political family filed a motion in federal court in Washington, D.C., to block the arch from being built, arguing that it would obstruct views of the family’s gravesites at Arlington National Cemetery, including that of President John F. Kennedy.

“This action is about protecting sacred spaces that belong to the American people,” Rory Kennedy and Maxwell Kennedy, two of the plaintiffs and children of the late Sen. Robert F. Kennedy, said in a statement on Tuesday. “A towering arch casting shadows across the graves of our father, mother, and uncles, as well as the graves of so many who have served our country, would also cast a shadow over our democratic principles, undermining the safeguards established by our elected representatives to protect this hallowed ground for generations to come.”

The plaintiffs include the children and grandchildren of the late Sens. Robert F. Kennedy and Edward M. Kennedy, who are among several Kennedy family members buried at Arlington National Cemetery, the U.S.’s largest military cemetery. Other Kennedys buried or memorialized there include JFK, first lady Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis, their two children Patrick and Arabella, as well as Robert F. Kennedy’s wife Ethel, and Lt. Joseph P. Kennedy Jr.

Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. is not among the plaintiffs.

The family argued that the 250-foot arch—“more than double the size of the Lincoln Memorial and the equivalent of a twenty-five-story office building”—would obscure views of the John F. Kennedy Eternal Flame and Kennedy gravesites from the Arlington Memorial Bridge. It also argued that it would “cast shows over … the memorials of hundreds of thousands of fallen American heroes.”

The arch’s proposed site is located in Memorial Circle between the Lincoln Memorial and Arlington National Cemetery, which the family argue would obstruct “a line of sight that was designed to represent the unification of the Nation following the Civil War and that has existed for nearly a century.”

“The gigantic proposed arch is an illegal interference with Arlington National Cemetery and the heroes remembered there,” attorneys Norman Eisen and Steve Jonas of Democracy Defenders Fund, which represents the family members, said. “Only Congress has the constitutional power to authorize an intrusion of this magnitude.”

Read More: Obscure Committee Set To Be at Center of Trump Fight if Democrats Win House

The Kennedy family is not the first group to mount a legal challenge against the project. Their Nov. 10 filing seeks to join a lawsuit filed last month by D.C. and Virginia, which argued that the arch violates historic preservation laws and would hinder traffic and emergency services. It also argued that the project did not have congressional authorization. That lawsuit was consolidated with an earlier suit filed in February by a group of three veterans and an architectural historian. It is being overseen by U.S. District Judge Tanya Chutkan, an Obama appointee.

The Kennedys argued that courts have previously recognized families’ interests in protecting their relatives’ burial sites.

Arlington County also filed a separate lawsuit in October, alleging that the government had failed to adequately review the project’s environmental impact, including its consequences for traffic and public safety.

The arch has faced significant backlash from Democratic lawmakers, preservationists, and the public. During a nine-hour-long public hearing on Thursday, dozens of people testified against construction of the arch. Preservationists pointed to an August review by the National Park Service in which the Administration noted the arch would have an “adverse” impact on up to 42 historic sites.

But the hearing ultimately ended in the National Capital Planning Commission approving the project, and the National Park Service and Interior Department authorized construction of the arch late Thursday.

Chutkan then blocked any “construction-related activity” for 14 days.

The arch is one of several of Trump’s projects to remake the capital, many of which face legal challenges. Trump has begun building a $400 million, 90,000 sq ft White House ballroom, resurfaced the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool, sought to renovate the Kennedy Center with his name on the building, and proposed redeveloping the historic East Potomac Golf Links. Trump has invoked national security to justify the arch and the White House ballroom, announcing in September that he would incorporate a military complex into the proposed arch to house drones, snipers, and ammunition.

The President has said he wants to see the arch erected before he leaves office, although the mounting legal challenges threaten that timeline. In his first public appearance after Republicans’ sweeping losses in the midterm elections, Trump repeated his defense of his attention to the construction projects: “For me, it’s relaxing.”


House Republicans Block Hegseth Impeachment, but Democrats Could Revive Effort in January

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is seen at the White House on Oct. 29, 2026 in Washington, DC. —Finn Gomez—Getty Images

The Republican-led House on Tuesday narrowly rejected a push to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth over unauthorized military hostilities in Iran, Venezuela and Yemen, shielding one of President Donald Trump's closest allies from an immediate reckoning but setting the stage for a renewed confrontation when Democrats take control of Congress in January.

The House voted 211-204 to defeat a resolution brought by Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, a Republican who has repeatedly clashed with Trump, preventing lawmakers from considering eight articles of impeachment accusing Hegseth of violating the Constitution, conducting unauthorized military operations, and abusing the powers of his office.

The vote offered a temporary reprieve for Hegseth, who has faced mounting criticism over the administration's conduct of the Iran war, and demonstrated Trump's continued hold over congressional Republicans despite the party's sweeping losses in last week's midterm elections. But it may have only delayed a political showdown over the defense secretary's future. Democrats, who won control of both chambers of Congress in the election, will have an opportunity to revive the impeachment effort when the new Congress convenes on Jan. 3, potentially making Hegseth the third Cabinet member in American history to be impeached.

With a Democratic majority in the House, impeachment articles would stand a substantially greater chance of passage. Unlike a Senate conviction, which requires support of a two-thirds majority, impeachment in the House requires only a simple majority. Democrats could therefore approve articles without Republican support if enough of their members backed the effort.

Such a vote would make Hegseth only the third Cabinet secretary in American history to be impeached, following William Belknap, President Ulysses S. Grant's secretary of war, in 1876, and Alejandro Mayorkas, President Joe Biden's homeland security secretary, in 2024. It would also raise the prospect of a Senate trial soon after Democrats take control of the chamber,  forcing lawmakers in both parties to confront allegations of unlawful military conduct at a time when the Iran war has become a major political liability for the White House.

The current impeachment effort was led by Massie, who lost his Republican primary this year to a candidate backed by Trump. Massie introduced the eight articles on Monday, arguing that Hegseth had repeatedly exceeded his legal authority in directing military operations and disregarded congressional restrictions on the use of force. “We’re not indicting him for being bad at his job,” Massie said Monday. “The argument here is that he’s broken laws and he’s violated the Constitution.”

Hegseth has rejected the allegations as politically motivated and insisted that he has no intention of resigning. At a news conference Tuesday morning, he dismissed the impeachment effort as the work of a “disgruntled and defeated congressman.” His spokesman, Sean Parnell, said the Pentagon had acted lawfully and that Hegseth intended to remain in office through the end of Trump's term.

Trump has stood firmly behind his defense secretary, even as the war has fueled public frustration and deepened divisions within his party. Asked whether he would continue supporting Hegseth if the House impeached him, the president replied, “Yeah I’ll stand by him.” In a social-media post Monday night, he urged lawmakers to defend Hegseth: “Congress, stand up for Pete!!!”

While Tuesday's vote failed, the political circumstances surrounding the effort are poised to change dramatically. In the new year, Democrats will have the power to set the House's agenda, conduct investigations, and bring impeachment resolutions to the floor without relying on Republican defections to overcome procedural obstacles.

The eight articles introduced by Massie encompassed some of the administration's most controversial military decisions, from the war in Iran to its operations in Venezuela and strikes against suspected drug traffickers in the Caribbean and Pacific.

Three focused on Iran, accusing Hegseth of helping initiate the conflict without congressional authorization, continuing military operations despite congressional demands to end the war or obtain approval for it, and violating statutory deadlines for withdrawing American forces from unauthorized hostilities.

The charges invoked the War Powers Resolution of 1973, which limits the president's ability to conduct prolonged military operations without congressional approval. The Trump administration has maintained that the president possesses the constitutional authority as commander in chief to direct the campaign, a position that has brought the White House into conflict with lawmakers who argue that Congress has been unlawfully sidelined.

Other articles accuse Hegseth of overseeing unlawful strikes against boats suspected of carrying drugs, failing to adequately protect civilians during military operations and directing the January mission that captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, which Massie argues constituted an act of war. Another challenges the administration's 2025 campaign against Houthi forces in Yemen, which drew scrutiny after senior officials discussed planned strikes in a Signal group chat that inadvertently included a journalist.

A separate charge accuses Hegseth of retaliating against Sen. Mark Kelly, an Arizona Democrat and retired Navy captain, after Kelly participated in a video reminding service members that they were not obligated to follow illegal orders. Hegseth censured Kelly and initiated disciplinary proceedings that threatened his military rank and pension. A federal judge subsequently blocked the punishment, though the Justice Department has appealed.

Together, the articles sought to establish a pattern of alleged misconduct extending beyond the Iran war, challenging the administration's expansive interpretation of executive authority and its willingness to use military force without congressional approval.

Hegseth and his allies have portrayed the allegations as an attack on successful military operations. Speaking Monday, Hegseth suggested that seeking his removal over the Iran war, the strikes against suspected drug traffickers and the capture of Maduro amounted to “taking issue with the troops and what they accomplished.”

Trump offered a similar defense Sunday, saying Hegseth was “guilty of two things, basically winning two wars.”

While some of the party’s base are pushing for a Trump impeachment, several senior Democrats have told TIME that targeting the defense secretary would offer Congress a more attainable means of challenging the administration's conduct of the war. "There are Republicans who would support impeaching Hegseth who might not support doing it to Trump," says Rep. Adam Smith of Washington, who is in line to chair the House Armed Services Committee. 

Democrats have also not ruled out impeaching other members of Trump’s cabinet, including Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy Jr. “Impeachment of Pete Hegseth or Robert F. Kennedy Jr. or anyone in the cabinet presents a completely different set of political considerations than the president,” says Rep. Jamie Raskin of Maryland, an impeachment manager in Trump’s first term who is in line to chair the Judiciary Committee. 


Climate Leaders Toast to a Hopeful Future at TIME100 Impact Dinner at COP31

Vanessa Hauc speaks at the TIME100 Impact Dinner: Leaders Creating Climate Action in Antalya, Türkiye on Thursday, Nov. 10.

At a TIME100 Impact Dinner on Nov. 10 during the annual U.N. climate conference, this year known as COP31, in Antalya, Türkiye, climate leaders spoke of the challenges and gains in the clean energy transition and the importance of bringing youth into the climate fight. 

Five honorees spoke about what gives them hope: Global Citizen co-founder Michael Sheldrick, president and CEO of the World Resources Institute Ani Dasgupta, Telemundo journalist Vanessa Hauc, CEO of CrossBoundary Energy and managing partner of CrossBoundary Group Matthew Tilleard,, and climate activist and co-founder and executive director of the Re-Earth Initiative Xiye Bastida.

Here’s what each of them toasted to.

Michael Sheldrick

As co-founder of Global Citizen, Michael Sheldrick, a 2026 TIME100 Climate honoree, has worked to ensure the fight to end poverty remains interconnected with climate action. 

He shared the story of two young men training to be solar technicians in Touws River, South Africa, who view the solar boom as an opportunity for boundless ambition. “Luke and Keanu spoke of the determination, the hopes, and aspirations of a billion young people who are going to be entering the job market over the next decade,” he said.

Yet on the other side of the transition, he noted, are people like Bennie, a supervisor at one of South Africa's oldest coal-fired power stations who might soon see the place he has worked at for much of his career sunset. “He said to me, ‘You know, it is sad when eventually we flip the switch and then we turn off this power plant because of the generations of workers it helped support. But most of us understand why that's important. We just hope society will have our backs at the end of the day.’”

That, says Sheldrick, is the goal of Global Citizen—to scale up renewables while ensuring that non one is left behind. At the end of October, the non-profit launched the Perth Declaration, which aims to expand electricity access to over 4 million homes and deliver 3 gigawatts of renewable energy capacity globally. “Together, we can build a future worth believing in, one where young people have the chance to build it and workers like Bennie have a place in it too,” he said. 

Ani Dasgupta

Climate headlines might seem bleak, but leading the World Resources Institute, a non-profit working to improve lives and address climate change, has shown Ani Dasgupta that there are a number of solutions that many might not even realize are out there. 

In his toast, he shared examples from around the world: ranging from the democratization of solar power in Pakistan, to the 10,000 Kenyan farms working to grow macadamia trees in degraded land. 

“Solutions like this are happening everywhere in the world, across the world,” said Dasgupta, a 2026 TIME100 Climate honoree. “It is the seed for the new economy.” 

Dasgupta added that young people are eager to get involved when it comes to climate solutions—and urged the room to bring them into the fold. “I just want all of us to join together to find the solutions that exist. Sing about them. Amplify them. Fund them,” he said. “Find these young leaders. Support them. Mentor them. Because together…we're going to build a new economy.”

Vanessa Huac 

As a veteran journalist, Vanessa Huac, another 2026 TIME100 Climate honoree, is all too familiar with how our changing climate has brought devastation to communities around the world. 

“I have reported from the Amazon rainforest, my home, while fires basically erase trees and beautiful ecosystems that were there for centuries,” she said. “I have seen the glaciers in the beautiful Andes of South America retreat with dire consequences and coral reefs in Florida lose their vibrant colors.”

She called the climate crisis, “one of the greatest challenges of our times,” but added that, while she’s seen some of the ways climate change is destroying communities, her reporting has also revealed examples of resilience and innovation. 

She spoke of scientists working to find solutions, Indigenous communities putting their lives on the line to protect forests, and young people around the world that are refusing to give up the climate fight. 

“Hope is something that we build. It's a choice that we make every single day, because giving up is not…a choice for us,” she said. “We have only this one beautiful planet, and the future of it depends on what we do today.”

Matthew Tilleard

Matthew Tilleard, another 2026 TIME100 Climate honoree, is working to accelerate the clean energy transition by reducing mining’s environmental footprint.

In his toast, he reflected on how this energy transition is markedly different from those past. “Great energy transitions in our past were all fuel to fuel, wood to coal, coal to oil, oil to gas,” he said. “To be honest, we didn't actually transition.”

He continued by laying out three secrets of the new energy transition. 

First, he noted, solar and batteries operate on an “efficiency curve,” meaning that they get cheaper as more are made. “The panel made today is 98% cheaper than the panel just 25 years ago,” he said. 

The second secret is that solar and storage-based energy systems will be radically decentralized—which will help make clean energy more accessible. “This has a really important economic implication, which is that the unit cost of… a small storage system isn't much higher than a large system,” Tilleard said. “And any cost advantage to build a really big system is completely overwhelmed by the savings of not having to transmit and distribute that power.”

Most importantly, the transition will have the potential to shore up energy security around the world, he said. “Technology-based energy systems, unlike fuel, make energy sovereign.” 

Xiye Bastida 

Xiye Bastida, a 2023 TIME100 Next honoree, ended the night by reminding attendees what role the COP conferences play when it comes to the global climate conversation. 

“We come here because we have a bigger responsibility to the future, to our communities, to equity, to just transitions.” 

Bastida, who co-founded the Re-Earth Initiative, a youth-led climate justice nonprofit, described meeting with U.N. Secretary General António Guterres earlier in the day, who told a room full of youth climate leaders that they had inspired him to speak boldly on climate action. 

“He told us, 'The reason why my words have been so sharp and my vision has been so grounded is because I listened to you,'” she said, noting the importance of intergenerational conversations on climate change. 

She closed by adding that, when it comes to climate change, even if we do not have all the answers, we have a framework—grounded in Indigenous practices: stewardship and service to the land, the people around us, and future generations.

“I hope that… we [can] truly look back at this time and see that we are already living the transformation,” she said. “It's not coming; it's already happening.”

TIME100 Impact Dinner: Leaders Creating Climate Action was presented by Rolex.


How Israel Will Choose Its Next Prime Minister, Explained

Israeli opposition leader Gadi Eisenkot, left, and Israeli President Isaac Herzog attend a ceremony marking the formal mandate to form a new government in Jerusalem, Nov. 8, 2026. —Amir Levy—Getty Images

Israeli President Isaac Herzog on Sunday tasked Gadi Eisenkot, a former military chief and the leader of the center-right Yashar party, with forming the country’s next government. It’s the first of several steps necessary to determine the next Prime Minister—but a potentially months-long process could leave Benjamin Netanyahu in power for the foreseeable future. 

Read more: Israel's Choice

With Herzog’s nod, Eisenkot was given 28 days, through Dec. 6, with a possible 14-day extension, to assemble a government that can win the confidence of the Knesset, Israel’s parliament. Once he notifies the President and the Knesset that he has formed a government, the lawmakers must meet within seven days for a confidence vote. The government takes office if it wins that vote.

First, Eisenkot would need to bring together rival political parties with disparate policy views and governing priorities in order to form a voting majority. By joining his coalition, parties are effectively endorsing Eisenkot as the next Prime Minister. But he has several obstacles to overcome before he can get the number of seats that he needs.

Here’s everything to know about the process Israel will undertake in its efforts to name its next Prime Minister.

What did Israel’s election results decide?

In last month’s election, no party bloc secured the 61 seats needed to form a majority in the 120-seat parliament. This means that little has been decided about future leadership. But the process is still in motion.

Knesset elections are scheduled to occur every four years, with the most recent taking place Oct. 27.

Voters must be physically present on Election Day, with extremely rare absentee exceptions, and it is a public holiday. According to The Atlantic, an estimated 67,000 Israeli citizens living outside of the country traveled back this year in order to cast their ballots.

Israeli citizens vote for the political parties that they want to govern—not specific candidates.  

Based on the percentage of votes cast, each party is then allotted a certain number of representatives in the Knesset.

Despite Netanyahu's poor approval rating, his Likud party and its far-right and ultra-Orthodox allies, such as Otzma Yehudit (Jewish Power), secured the most votes and won 53 seats. The four Jewish-led parties of the Knesset backing Eisenkot—his Yashar party, in addition to the B'Yachad, the Democrats, and Yisrael Beytenu parties—earned 48. Two Arab-led parties hold the remaining 19—a record high.

“If you just count the number of votes for each party, Netanyahu's party got the most votes, but because it's a parliamentary system, and you need a simple majority to form a government, he was far away from actually establishing a government,” Steven Cook, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, tells TIME.

To form a government, the parties must now negotiate an alliance that can secure enough support to win a confidence vote in the Knesset. Typically, this requires meeting or exceeding 61 seats, but it can also be fewer if some parties abstain.

Either Netanyahu’s bloc or Eisenkot’s bloc could reach a majority by joining forces with both Arab-led parties, giving them 72 or 67 seats, respectively. Alternatively, the two rival blocs would hold 101 seats if they joined together—but any such agreement would require negotiations over who would serve as Prime Minister. 

Netanyahu would likely press to stay on. Rival leaders can also agree to take turns as Prime Minister, as Shimon Peres and Yitzhak Shamir did between 1984 and 1988. Netanyahu has shown willingness in the past, extending such an offer to Benny Gantz in 2020, though it did not go through. The decision would need to be reached before a proposition for the new government could be submitted to the Knesset. 

Parties within an electoral bloc can also negotiate separately. For example, either Eisenkot or Netanyahu could court one of the Arab-led parties without needing to necessarily sway the other. However, parties within a bloc tend to share similar outlooks on policy and representation.

The election results can also shift control of parliament before a new government is formed.

Shira Efron, a senior fellow at Rand, a global policy think tank, says that voters should take note of Tuesday’s announcement that the opposition bloc agreed to appoint Matan Kahana, who belongs to Eisenkot’s Yashar party, as the next Knesset Speaker and Avigdor Lieberman, leader of Yisrael Beytenu, as Head of Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee, reflecting a distinct vision for parliament and a willingness to begin the work.

 “They have already been able to enact a few things already, fulfilling promises in terms of taking over the Knesset agenda,” Efron says. “This is weakening Netanyahu already, before a government is even formed, and while he is still Prime Minister. So this is a positive thing for anyone who wants to see a change in government.”

Caretaker Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu looks on during a speech at the Israeli parliament (Knesset) during the opening day of the new parliament in Jerusalem on Nov. 10, 2026. —Ilia Yefimovich—AFP via Getty Images

Why was Eisenkot chosen to form Israel’s next government?

While the presidency is largely ceremonial in Israel, their power is particularly pronounced in the aftermath of an Israeli election. They consult with the leaders of each political party and pick the person who they believe is most likely to successfully bring together disparate parties to form a governing coalition.

“More often than not, it's been the leader of the party with the most votes,” says Cook. “In this case, that's Netanyahu.” 

Another factor, however, was taken into account: 67 out of 120 Knesset members endorsed Eisenkot to Herzog during consultations last week, while only 46 endorsed Netanyahu.  

“President Herzog came to the conclusion that although Netanyahu has the most votes of any party, Gadi Eisenkot had a better chance to form the necessary coalition,” Cook says.

Herzog’s tapping of Eisenkot is not an endorsement. Rather, it signifies that Herzog sees Eisenkot as the clearest path to forming a government.

Cook says it boils down to a simple point: “More Israelis voted for parties that oppose Netanyahu than voted for parties that support Netanyahu.” A majority of voters backed parties seeking to replace Netanyahu, even if those parties disagree on what should come next.

“Obviously, there's a range of complications associated with that,” he says, “which is what is making coalition-building difficult.”

What barriers stand in the way of forming a government?

Even though Eisenkot received the endorsement of 67 Knesset members, that does not mean it’s smooth sailing for him to create a government.

The clearest path to government for Eisenkot would be securing support from the two Arab-led parties—the Joint List and Ra’am—to gain their 19 seats. 

This is complicated by the fact that some of his backing parties are opposed to forming a governing coalition with Arab-led parties. 

According to the Times of Israel, Yair Golan, Chairman of the Democrats, is the only leader of the four Jewish-led parties backing Eisenkot to publicly support a coalition with the Joint List and Ra’am. Naftali Bennett, leader of the B'Yachad party, and Lieberman are both nationalist leaders who oppose the idea of becoming reliant on Arab partners.

Arab-led parties have historically avoided formal participation in governing coalitions—aside from 2021, when Ra’am joined a coalition seeking to oust Netanyahu. 

Cook points out that they can still pledge support from “the outside,” which means voting alongside Eisenkot, and giving him the majority in parliament, without joining his coalition.

“There’s examples of that happening in the past, and it has not been very stable, but that's one possibility,” Cook says.

The Joint List has said it would support an alternative government from outside the coalition, but Lieberman has rejected outright a government reliant on outside support from Arab-led parties.

Another possibility, Cook adds, would be if Eisenkot invited the ultra-Orthodox parties, with a combined 13 seats, to join his coalition. 

But that would likely be even more difficult, given that the ultra-Orthodox parties oppose compulsory military service for yeshiva students. On Oct. 31, Eisenkot shared a post on social media that outlined his four core demands for any political faction looking to join his upcoming “national emergency government,” including a mandate of national service for all Israelis.

Can Netanyahu stay in power?

In the coming weeks, as Eisenkot works to form a suitable coalition, Netanyahu will remain by default at the head of the outgoing government. 

He is also free to make outreach efforts in the attempt to form his own coalition, which might involve swaying those who did not endorse him in their initial conversations with Herzog.

If Eisenkot is unable to form a coalition in the allotted time, with all potential extensions tapped, Herzog can choose another member of the Knesset to try—such as Netanyahu—or tell the parliament that he does not see a path forward. 

If someone else is named, they would be given 28 days to make an attempt, without the possibility of an extension. 

If a second candidate fails, or Herzog informs the Knesset that he sees no possibility of forming a government, lawmakers have 21 days to request, by majority, that a willing Knesset member be given the task. That candidate would then have 14 days to form a government.

If no candidate receives the required backing, or that final attempt fails, the Knesset is automatically dissolved and elections must take place within 90 days. 

Netanyahu would continue heading the outgoing government until a replacement is established.

This kind of deadlock would not be new for Israel: Between 2019 and 2022, the country held five elections as parties struggled to find common ground.

Failing to form a coalition now could be seen as a setback for the opposition, Efron says, because another election in a few months does not “mean necessarily they're going to fare any better.” A prolonged cycle of elections—and the uncertainty it would bring—would likely be unpopular with Israeli voters and lawmakers, as well, she adds.

If given the chance to form his own government, Netanyahu would face an uphill battle: Eisenkot and his allies have vowed not to sit in government with him and have accused him of ignoring warnings ahead of Hamas’s attacks on Oct. 7, 2023.

In an effort to lead, Netanyahu would likely reach out to more right-leaning members of the four parties that have pledged support to Eisenkot. Bennett and Lieberman have worked with him in the past. If Netanyahu is able to convince them that supporting him is less objectionable than collaborating with the Arab-led parties, then their seats would give him the majority needed to govern.

While the contest may appear to hinge on the persuasive powers of Eisenkot and Netanyahu, leaders like Bennett and Lieberman could ultimately decide who governs Israel. Their choice may come down to which compromise they are more willing to make.


Hegseth Could Still Be the Third Cabinet Secretary to be Impeached. What Happened to the Others?

Secretary of War Pete Hegseth speaks during a news conference at the Pentagon on Nov. 10, 2026. —Chip Somodevilla––Getty Images

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth narrowly escaped an impeachment attempt Tuesday after the Republican-led House rejected a resolution filed by a GOP lawmaker.

While Hegseth has been granted a reprieve, it's possible the Democrats could revive the effort in January, when they take control of both the House and Senate following sweeping victories in the midterms.

The House voted 211-204 to defeat the measure reintroduced Monday by Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky. The eight articles of impeachment accused Hegseth of violating the War Powers Resolution of 1973, citing the lack of congressional oversight on the Iran war which Massie argued was “unlawful from its inception.” Another charge accused Hegseth of “ignoring laws that minimize civilian casualties.” The charges also alleged the “kidnapping of a sovereign foreign leader,” in reference to the U.S.’ capture of former Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro in January.

Hegseth dismissed the impeachment effort as a “political spectacle,” referring to the resolutions put forward by Massie, who lost the Republican primary in May to a Trump-backed challenger, as a “farce” that “mock the Constitution.” Addressing reporters during a press conference at the Pentagon Tuesday morning, Hegseth said that “Iran, the cartels, Maduro, Yemen, every one was a lawful operation ordered by the Commander in Chief, then ordered by myself, notified to Congress, and executed by American warriors who did their jobs.”

Even if the measure had passed the House, it was unlikely to obtain the two-thirds majority needed to pass the current Senate, where Republicans still hold 53 out ⁠of 100 seats. But that balance will change in the Democrats' favor next year.

For now, Hegseth has the support of President Donald Trump, who vowed to “stand by” him even if an impeachment vote is successful, but the embattled Defense Secretary is facing mounting scrutiny elsewhere. House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries was among those to throw his weight behind the impeachment effort. Jeffries is widely expected to be the new House Speaker come January, which would put him in a position of influence should another resolution be filed against Hegseth.

While impeachment itself carries no immediate legal consequences, a conviction in the Senate can also result in disqualification from holding future federal office.

“If you wanted to draw an analogy to criminal law: an impeachment vote by the House of Representatives is like an indictment. It doesn't mean the person has been found guilty, but it means that the House thinks there's enough evidence of high crime or misdemeanor that there should be a trial,” says Thomas Berry, director of the Cato Institute’s Center for Constitutional Studies.

The House has initiated impeachment proceedings over 60 times, but only 22 cases, involving 21 people, have resulted in formal impeachment by the House. Trump was impeached twice by the House during his first term. He was accused of abusing the power of his office for domestic political advantage and obstructing Congress’ abilities to hold him accountable in the first impeachment, while the second impeachment saw him accused of incitement of insurrection, in relation to the events of Jan. 6, 2021. He was acquitted by the Senate in February 2020 and again in February 2021.

If the House did vote to impeach Hegseth next year, he'd become the third Cabinet secretary to be impeached in U.S. history—here's what to know about the previous occasions, and how it played out.

Secretary of War William W. Belknap is seen here —Heritage Art/Heritage Images—Getty Images

How William Belknap became the first Cabinet secretary to be impeached

William Belknap served under Republican President Ulysses S. Grant from 1869 to 1876 as Secretary of War, a predecessor to the modern-day Secretary of Defense. (Although the Trump Administration has since revived the term after rebranding the “Department of Defense” as the “Department of War” last year.)

Belknap, a Civil War veteran, came under scrutiny after Democrats regained the House majority in 1875 and began investigating the Grant Administration amid a series of scandals and allegations of financial corruption.

“The Grant presidency was particularly corrupt. It was a situation where Grant himself was an honest man, a beloved war hero, turned two-term President,” says Thomas Balcerski, a professor of history at Eastern Connecticut State University. “Yet he had a flaw in his character in that he was too trusting of the men around him, many of whom were military figures from the Civil War.”

In January 1876, the House passed a resolution directing committees with oversight of the executive branch to investigate government spending across all departments.

The investigations turned to Belknap’s appointment of post-traders, civilian merchants licensed by the government to conduct business at military forts. These positions could be highly profitable, making the appointments a valuable source of patronage controlled by the secretary.

Belknap was “accused of bribery, corruption, and taking kickbacks in exchange for essentially providing contracts,” says Balcerski. “These were basically kickback schemes. In the case of Belknap, he gave an exclusive contract, what we would call a ‘no-bid contract’ in our language today, specifically to trading posts in [modern day] Oklahoma.”

While testifying in front of the Committee on Expenditures in the War Department, a wheeler-dealer named Caleb Marsh, who alongside Belknap handpicked associates to operate the lucrative military trading post at Fort Sill, alleged that Belknap had received payments in exchange for the appointments. Estimates placed the amount between $20,000 and $40,000, equivalent to approximately $630,000 to $1.26 million today.

Belknap learned of Marsh’s testimony on March 1, 1876, and resigned the following day, just hours before the House unanimously voted to impeach him.

His resignation, however, did not stop the impeachment proceedings from moving to the Senate, raising the constitutional question of whether an official could still face a trial after leaving office.

“The only real dispute was whether the Senate could do anything about it, because Belknap had actually resigned hours before the House impeached him,” says Berry. “Much of the trial was not about whether he had been corrupt, but about whether the Senate could convict him, given the fact that he had already resigned.”

Although the Senate could have voted to disqualify Belknap from holding future federal office, it ultimately did not reach the two-thirds majority necessary to convict him, and he was acquitted.

Alejandro Mayorkas speaks at the White House on Oct. 1, 2024. —Kent Nishimura—Getty Images

The impeachment of Alejandro Mayorkas in 2024—and what came next

Alejandro Mayorkas served as Secretary of Homeland Security under former President Joe Biden from 2021 to 2025. He was impeached by House Republicans in 2024 over the Administration’s handling of the southern border, as federal officials during the Biden Administration had been overwhelmed by a surge in migrant crossings.

The House of Representatives narrowly voted to impeach Mayorkas in February 2024. Republicans accused Mayorkas of failing to properly enforce the nation’s immigration laws.

Balcerski says that, compared with Belknap, “there wasn't a similar signature scandal” surrounding Mayorkas’ impeachment. Instead, the case raised questions about the boundaries of impeachment and whether disagreements over how an official carries out government policy should constitute impeachable offenses.

“That was pushing the boundaries of what is an impeachable offense,” argues Berry. “There has been much debate since the Constitution was ratified about what is a legitimately impeachable offense versus what is simply a disagreement in policy.”

The Constitution identifies “conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors,” as grounds for removal from office, but the scope of what constitutes high crimes and misdemeanors lacks a formal definition, experts tell TIME.

Ultimately, the Democrat-majority Senate dismissed Mayorkas’ articles of impeachment as unconstitutional in a single afternoon, two months after they were filed. Senate Democrats argued that allowing Cabinet officials to be impeached over disagreements with an Administration’s policies could set a dangerous precedent.

The Biden Administration at the time denounced the move as “baseless” and "unconstitutional.” The DHS Office of the General Counsel also sent a 38-page response to the House Rules Committee, arguing that impeachment was being used to punish good-faith policy and enforcement decisions. 

Some Republicans raised doubts over the proceedings, also. Rep. Tom McClintock of California said that although he believed Mayorkas was “guilty of maladministration” of immigration laws, he did not view the matter as grounds for impeachment. 

“Many people thought that what Mayorkas had done did not rise to the level of a high crime or misdemeanor. That it was simply a political disagreement. That he was choosing to enforce immigration law with different priorities than a Republican DHS Secretary would, but that this was not objectively criminal or illegal,” says Berry.

Mayorkas, who called the impeachment proceedings “baseless,” continued to lead the DHS until the transition to the second Trump Administration in January 2025.


Trump Says 'You Should've Had Stock' to Build Net Worth. Here's How He's Increased His by Billions in His Second Term

President Donald Trump during a news conference in the James S. Brady Press Briefing Room of the White House in Washington, D.C., on Nov. 9, 2026. —Tierney L. Cross—The Washington Post/Bloomberg/Getty Images

In the two years since President Donald Trump was re-elected to the White House, his reported net worth has spiked by billions of dollars.

Between 2024—during his presidential campaign—and 2025, Trump’s net worth rose from $4.3 billion to $7.3 billion, according to a Forbes report published in September 2025.

The President’s total net worth has dipped somewhat since then, with Forbes reporting this September that it had fallen to $7 billion in 2026. As of Tuesday, the outlet estimates that the figure has dropped still further, to roughly $6.3 billion. But it remains notably higher—to the tune of about $2 billion—than it was two years ago.

Trump addressed the steep reported increase in his wealth in an interview with “60 Minutes” that was released on Sunday.

“There’s a Forbes’ story that said that your net worth—maybe it’s changed with the stock market recently—but your net worth went up by $3 billion since you—” “60 Minutes” correspondent Ross Douthat asked Trump during the interview.

“Well, so did everyone,” the President replied.

“My net worth did not go up by $3 billion,” Douthat said.

“Well, you should’ve had stock,” Trump said.

Kedric Payne, senior director of ethics at Campaign Legal Center, says that it’s “unusual … for any person to increase their wealth in one year” by the amount Trump’s did following his return to office, let alone the President. Since Presidents began disclosing their personal finances, “we have not seen any Presidents’ wealth increase that dramatically,” Payne says.

“Typically, the Presidents don’t … have financial interest in businesses that could generate that amount of wealth,” he adds.

What has driven the increase in Trump’s net worth during his second term?

Much of the growth in Trump’s net worth between 2024 and 2025 stemmed from dealings in the cryptocurrency industry, according to Forbes’ reporting last year, including an increase of about $710 million from memecoin, $240 million from stablecoin—a type of cryptocurrency that has a value that is linked to a fiat currency or another asset— and $340 million from tokens sold by the Trump family’s crypto business, World Liberty Financial.

—Drew Angerer/Getty Images

Trump announced the creation of World Liberty Financial in September 2024, weeks before he won re-election. The New York Times reported that the President "effectively controls a stake" in the business, but that his sons, along with U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff’s family, manage its operations. World Liberty Financial started selling its $WLFI tokens in October 2024, and unveiled a stablecoin linked to the value of the U.S. dollar, USD1, the following March.

Shortly before Trump was inaugurated for a second term, he also separately unveiled a memecoin called $TRUMP; a few days later, his wife launched one called $MELANIA.

Trump’s annual financial disclosure for 2025 revealed that he earned over $1 billion that year as a result of his family’s cryptocurrency dealings.

As of 2026, Forbes reported in September, Trump’s memecoin tokens accounted for about $183 million of his roughly $7 billion net worth, while World Liberty Financial tokens accounted for about $78 million and Stablecoin for about $233 million. 

His liquid assets—meaning cash or other assets that can be rapidly converted into cash—made up another $1.9 billion of his total net worth, according to Forbes, which attributed part of that figure to hundreds of millions of dollars that stemmed from cryptocurrency sales. Forbes previously reported in 2025 that the value of the President’s liquid assets grew by about $660 million during his first year back in the White House. 

Read More: 3 Ways Trump’s Wealth Has Soared Since He Returned to Office

Trump’s licensing and management business, meanwhile, added about $410 million to his net worth between 2024 and 2025, according to the outlet.

Forbes attributed part of the growth in the President’s net worth related to his licensing and management business to international real estate deals, including in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. TIME has also previously reported on licensing deals that the President unveiled shortly before his second inauguration, including selling items such as Bibles and fragrances.

Trump’s licensing and management business accounted for about $655 million of his total net worth as of 2026, according to Forbes’ tally from September. The news outlet reported that his golf clubs and resorts accounted for another $1.8 billion of his total net worth, and his real estate investments for $1.1 billion.

Also contributing to the President’s rising net worth in his first year back in the White House was a legal victory: appellate judges in 2025 tossed out a fraud penalty that a previous court ruling had levied against Trump, boosting his net worth by about $470 million, according to Forbes’ reporting from last year.

How does Trump’s handling of his finances differ from other Presidents?

According to Payne, past Presidents have typically tried “to avoid the appearance of conflicts of interest and the appearance that they are using public office for private gain,” including by divesting their interests in businesses and placing their assets in what’s called a “blind trust,” an arrangement in which another individual is tasked with managing the assets and the trustor—as well as the beneficiaries—are not informed of the details. This arrangement is often used by politicians to avoid a possible conflict of interest or the appearance of a conflict.

Trump’s assets, as well as his business interests and investments, are in a type of trust, but it is not a blind one, the Times has reported. Trump has said that two of his sons, Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr., manage the family business.

Payne says that this, and “the large amount of money that [Trump] has made in just one year in office” has raised concerns and sparked conflict of interest allegations.

Among the actions that have given rise to such allegations, the federal government has made moves during Trump’s second term to embrace the crypto industry. 

In February 2025—about a month after Trump was sworn into office for his second term—the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission’s Division of Corporation Finance announced that “It is the Division’s view that transactions in the types of meme coins described in this statement, do not involve the offer and sale of securities under the federal securities laws,” meaning that its view is that memecoins do not need to be subjected to the same oversight and regulation as a security. 

A few months later, Trump signed the GENIUS Act into law, which the White House said would help protect “consumers from nefarious actors in financial markets” and aims to promote the use of stablecoins in the country. The White House said on its website that the “legislation creates the first-ever Federal regulatory system for stablecoins, ensuring their stability and trust through strong reserve requirements.”

“It just comes down to the fact that the President’s policies are very favorable to the same industry where he is heavily invested,” Payne says.

The White House has denied that Trump’s cryptocurrency-related assets present any conflict of interest. In a statement to media outlets in July, White House spokesperson Anna Kelly praised Trump for making the U.S. “the crypto capital of the world” while insisting that “neither the President nor his family has ever engaged—or will ever engage—in conflicts of interest.”

When Douthat asked the President how his net worth increased following the 2024 election, Trump said, “I devote almost no time to my net worth.” He went on to say that his son “watches over money.”

“I don’t even talk to him about it,” Trump said. “He watches. He gives—they gave my money, I have a lotta cash, had a lotta cash long before I came in here.”


House Republicans Select Jim Jordan as Their New Leader After Sweeping Midterm Losses

Representative Jim Jordan, a Republican from Ohio, speaks to members of the media during the second day of the Republican Midterm Convention at the American Airlines Center in Dallas, Texas, on Sept. 10, 2026. —Mark Felix—Bloomberg/Getty Images

Rep. Jim Jordan of Ohio will become the next House Minority Leader after beating out the party’s current Majority Leader Rep. Steve Scalise of Louisiana for the position. 

Jordan, a hard-line conservative and Trump ally who’s served in Congress for nearly two decades and currently chairs the House Judiciary Committee, secured the role in a secret ballot vote of 106-73.

The Ohio lawmaker announced his bid for the top Republican position in the lower chamber in the next Congress after Speaker of the House Mike Johnson said that he would not run for the role in the aftermath of a blue wave that shifted control of both chambers to Democrats.

“In these next two years, our job cannot be merely to spotlight how radical this new Democrat party is—offense, not defense, wins elections,” Jordan said in a letter to colleagues a day after Democrats scored a series of sweeping victories in the midterms. “Republican policies prioritize making Americans' neighborhoods safer, keeping more money in their pockets, and protecting enduring American values and freedoms. To restore our majority, we must restore voters' faith in our ability to deliver on these principles.” 

He warned that Democrats would “wreak havoc on every sector of our economy” and “turn their full attention to investigating every facet of the Administration and private entities across the country.” 

Jordan called himself “battle-tested on the oversight front,” adding, “I know the Democrats' playbook.”

Read More: Inside the Democrats' Plans to Take On Trump

Scalise announced that he would run for House Minority Leader on the same day as Jordan.  

“It is more important now than ever for us to emerge from this stronger and united because the stakes couldn’t be higher,” Scalise wrote in a letter to colleagues. “The socialists are coming to Washington with a radical agenda that threatens the America we hold dear … The House Republican Conference must be the first line of defense in this crucial battle, and we must fight like our way of life depends on it—because it does.”

Scalise, who has has served in Congress for nearly 20 years and held positions as the No. 2 or No. 3 Republican in the House for over a decade, similarly warned his party of what he called Democrats “radical ‘oversight’ agenda,” which he said will target key White House officials, President Donald Trump, and “extend far beyond the Oval Office. He vowed to in turn “discredit their ‘investigations’ and put them on defense.”

To pick the House leaders for each party, returning and newly elected members of the Democratic and Republican conferences in the lower chamber gather privately and vote via secret ballot for their preferred candidate.

Minority leaders must only secure a simple majority within their own party’s House membership. To become Speaker of the House, meanwhile, a candidate must secure the backing of a majority of all those voting in the full lower chamber.

Both Scalise and Jordan previously ran for Speaker in 2023 after Kevin McCarthy became the first person holding the position to be ousted by a House vote. 

Scalise originally secured the House Republican conference’s nomination for the role at the time, beating Jordan, but later withdrew after failing to get enough support for a successful full House vote. Jordan, whose bid had been endorsed by Trump, then became the conference’s nominee, but he also failed to garner the needed backing on the House floor after three votes. Republicans ultimately rallied around Johnson, who gained both Scalise and Johnson’s votes en route to securing the position. 

Johnson, who won reelection in Louisiana’s Fourth District last week, said a day after Election Day that “while the outcome of this midterm is not what we’d hoped and fought for, a new battle is just beginning,” in a post on X. 

“This Democrat House majority will be led by the most radical and extreme leftists in American history,” he continued, adding, “We will continue pressing forward with our agenda of common sense, and our vision to make America great again—and come 2028, we WILL take back the House and we will finish the job.”

The same day, however, Johnson informed his staff that he would not seek a leadership position in the next Congress.

In the wake of the midterm elections, Trump, who said he had not asked Johnson to step down, lauded the Speaker’s leadership, calling him “fantastic.” The President also said that “we’ll stay out of it” when asked about the race for Congress’ next Minority Leader. 


Trump and Venezuela’s Elusive Elections

Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado greets her supporters upon her arrival in Caracas, Venezuela, on October 25, 2026. —Jonathan Lanza-NurPhoto-Getty Images

When will Venezuela hold elections? More than nine months after the capture and extraction of the country’s strongman, Nicolás Maduro in a military raid ordered by President Donald Trump, there are still no clear answers. On Oct. 27, María Corina Machado, the country’s most prominent opposition leader, returned to Caracas after about a year in exile, thanked the Trump Administration for removing Maduro, and expressed faith that an election would be held in Venezuela in 2027.

In the predawn hours of Jan. 3, U.S. Special Forces captured Maduro in Caracas and flew him to the United States. With President Trump’s blessing, Maduro’s vice president and longtime loyalist Delcy Rodríguez took power, and the two governments began negotiations over Venezuela’s future. Would the country finally hold free and fair elections, many wondered?

Two weeks after the raid, opposition leader Machado, winner of the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize, presented Trump with her Nobel medal during a visit to the White House, hoping he would push for early elections that she was widely expected to win. Trump, however, maintained that Venezuela wasn’t ready for elections. “We have to fix the country first,” he insisted. He estimated in January that the process could be completed within 18 months. 

Then on Aug. 28, the U.S. and Venezuela governments announced an unprecedented agreement to revive Venezuela’s oil industry. The 100-year deal gave the U.S. an ownership stake in 17 oil fields and access to more than 65 billion barrels of proven oil reserves. Under the terms of the agreement, the U.S. Departments of State and War will develop the oil fields with North American Blue Energy Partners, a private company owned by Venezuelan businessman Alejandro Betancourt. The U.S. will have a 35% stake in the venture, with guaranteed access to 20% of the output at cost, giving it an effective share of 55%. 

Trump has called it the “biggest oil deal in world history,” one that would give the U.S. control over an additional 65 billion barrels of crude, more than doubling U.S. reserves. He claimed the additional supply would “substantially lower gas prices for all Americans” and deprive China and Russia of their most important ally in the Western Hemisphere. Rodríguez, Venezuela’s interim president, has called the deal a huge win for the Venezuelan people, promising hundreds of billions of dollars in investment and revenue for a country battered by years of economic stagnation. By reviving oil production and improving the country’s economic prospects, the agreement could also help the Venezuelan government restructure its crippling debt.

But there was little talk about elections and democracy. Two weeks before her return, Machado offered the strongest signal that she was running out of patience. The Rodriguez government is negotiating with representatives of the 2015 National Assembly, Venezuela’s last internationally recognized, democratically elected body, but Machado has said she has been marginalized in those talks. On Oct. 15, The New York Times published an interview with Machado in which she accused Betancourt, the oil deal’s Venezuelan investment partner, of “obscene corruption” and blamed him for the country’s persistent electricity shortages. She did not criticize Trump or suggest that, if elected president, she would repudiate the oil deal. She made clear, however, that Betancourt would have no part in it. 

The interview marked Machado’s sharpest attempt yet to distance herself from an agreement  between a Venezuelan government run by Maduro’s former deputies and a Trump Administration that has become increasingly unpopular in Venezuela. Her dilemma is familiar to leaders around the world: how to remain on good terms with a U.S. president who holds tremendous leverage over their countries’ futures while also exploiting the opportunities created by Trump’s growing unpopularity at home.

Back in Venezuela, Machado seems to believe that Washington will push Rodriguez to hold elections next year. She’ll have to tread lightly. After praising her return, Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned, without naming Machado, that “you’re not going to street-protest your way into a democracy.” Translation: Glad you’re back, but Washington will control the process ahead. Whatever that process turns out to be.


How to Relieve Sciatica Pain—and What Makes It Worse

—Olena Malik—Getty Images

Sciatica can send pain shooting down your leg and make it hard to find a comfortable way to sit, stand, or sleep. Finding relief starts with figuring out what’s irritating the nerve. A herniated disc, a spinal canal that’s become too narrow and puts pressure on the nerves, and other problems can cause the pain—and what helps one person may make another feel worse.

Many people get better without surgery. Pain from a herniated disc often eases on its own within about six weeks, though recovery can take longer. Here’s what experts recommend trying, what to avoid, and when to see a doctor.

What causes sciatica pain?

Sciatica is a symptom, not a diagnosis—a distinction that matters when you’re trying to find relief. “Everybody’s like, ‘This is what I have. I have this,’” says Dr. Allen Chen, a physical medicine and rehabilitation specialist at UCLA Health. But the term describes pain traveling down your leg, without explaining what’s causing it.

Typically, irritation or pressure on a nerve root in the lower spine triggers the pain. It can feel burning, shooting, or electric, traveling through the buttock and down the leg, sometimes into the foot. It can also make finding a comfortable position difficult. “It bothers people at night, and it bothers people in the day,” Chen says. “It can be very, very disruptive.”

One common cause is a herniated disc. The discs that cushion the bones in your spine have a tough outer layer and a softer center—think of “a jelly donut,” Chen says. If some of that inner material pushes through the outer layer, it can press on a nerve and trigger inflammation. Sometimes people can pinpoint when things went wrong: “I was moving my kid into college,” or “I was moving a couch,” Chen says. Other times, there’s no memorable moment to blame.

Another common cause, particularly among older adults, is spinal stenosis, or a narrowing of the space where spinal nerves travel. Arthritis and other changes over time can put pressure on those nerves, Chen says. People with this problem may be able to sit comfortably, then notice “pain or sometimes heaviness” in their legs when they walk.

What are the best exercises for sciatica?

The best exercise for your sciatica depends on what’s causing it. “There really isn’t one exercise program that’s best for everyone,” says Dr. Keven Burns, an orthopedic spine surgeon at the Spine Institute of Arizona in Scottsdale.

Even mild exercise can feel unbearable when you’re in pain. For some people, sciatica is “absolutely debilitating,” Burns says. They “can’t stand, can’t move.”

If you have a herniated disc, exercises that gently bend the back backward may help—but only if moving in that direction eases your symptoms. One example is a prone press-up. “You lie on your stomach and gently push your upper body upward while keeping your hips on the floor,” Burns says. Some people find it easier to start by simply resting on their elbows. A physical therapist can help determine whether these movements are right for you and how to progress.

People with spinal stenosis may respond to the opposite approach: bending forward. Bringing the knees toward the chest while lying on the back, or leaning forward while seated, can provide relief for some people, Burns says.

As the pain eases, you can start working on getting stronger, too. “Your core is your internal back brace,” Burns says. That includes your back muscles and the muscles along the sides of your trunk, as well as your abs. He often recommends bridges, bird dogs, and modified planks, adjusted to what you can tolerate. “I generally prefer these stabilization exercises over traditional sit-ups or crunches, especially early in recovery,” he says.

Whatever you try, don’t just assume that the routine that helped your friend will work for you. “What helps one person may actually make someone else’s symptoms worse,” Burns says.

Is walking good for sciatica?

Often, yes—and you don’t need to turn it into a fitness project. “Everyone wants to think about, ‘OK, I gotta do some exercises or stretching,’” Burns says. “Well, just don’t stop moving. Get up and walk. Take short walks.”

Several short walks throughout the day can be more manageable than one long outing. The goal is to stay active without repeatedly setting off the pain. Dr. Wellington Hsu, a spine surgeon at Northwestern Medicine, also suggests considering low-impact aerobic activity, such as using an elliptical, if it feels comfortable. Running and jumping can be harder to tolerate during a flare.

How far you walk, however, should depend on how you feel, Burns says. People with spinal stenosis may find that walking triggers leg pain or heaviness, so work with your clinician or physical therapist to find an amount and type of activity you can tolerate. You don’t need to finish your usual loop if your leg keeps hurting more with every step.

Can stretching make sciatica worse?

Yes. If the back of your thigh feels tight, you might assume your hamstrings need a good stretch. But sometimes, Burns says, what feels like a tight muscle is actually tension along an irritated nerve. Patients “stretch harder, hoping to loosen things up, and end up making their leg pain worse,” he says. “More stretching doesn’t necessarily mean more improvement.”

An exercise can also change how far down your leg the pain travels. “If pain that was previously traveling into the calf or foot begins moving back toward the buttock or lower back, that’s generally a favorable sign,” Burns says. Physical therapists call this centralization. If an exercise instead sends pain farther down your leg, it may be aggravating the nerve.

It might be normal to feel sore after exercising, but some symptoms are a sign to stop. “A little muscle soreness during exercise is acceptable,” Burns says. “However, increasing radiating leg pain, worsening numbness, or new weakness aren’t things I want patients trying to push through.”

Everyday tasks can aggravate the pain, too. Chen cautions against lifting and twisting at the same time, especially with a herniated disc. Think of turning to grab your suitcase and hoisting it into an airplane’s overhead bin. Use your legs to help lift, he advises, and avoid twisting your back as you raise the bag.

Does physical therapy help sciatica?

A physical therapist can help you figure out which exercises ease your pain—and which make it worse—and then build a routine that helps you get stronger without repeatedly irritating the nerve. 

One technique they might teach you is nerve gliding, which is also called nerve flossing. 

“Nerves need to move as we bend, straighten, and change positions,” Burns says. “When a nerve becomes irritated or inflamed, that movement can become uncomfortable.” A physical therapist can teach you exercises to help the nerve move more comfortably—and show you how to avoid pulling too hard.

The goal of PT is to make moving more comfortable while your body recovers, Burns says. “They give you tools to cope and compensate,” he says. “But also they allow your body to get back to normal movement while your body’s healing itself.”

Hsu often recommends physical therapy before other treatments, like medication or injections, because it has fewer risks. But finding a program a patient is comfortable with matters most. “If their body doesn’t feel good afterwards, they’re not going to do it,” he says.

What else helps relieve sciatica pain?

Sitting in the same position for hours can be uncomfortable when you have sciatica, Hsu says. Try breaking up that time by standing between tasks or taking a short walk during a break. A physical therapist can also help you find ways to sit more comfortably.

Heat or cold may provide relief, too, although people differ in which they prefer. Massage can help soothe muscle tightness or spasms around the lower back and buttocks, Burns adds.

Foam rolling might ease surrounding muscle tightness, but there isn’t strong evidence that it directly treats sciatica, Burns says. Keep the pressure gentle, he advises, and back off if it triggers nerve pain.

Burns also sometimes recommends anti-inflammatory medication, such as ibuprofen or naproxen. These drugs aren’t right for everyone: Evidence of benefit for sciatica is limited, and they can cause side effects, including stomach bleeding and kidney problems.

If you’re still in a lot of pain, your doctor might suggest an epidural steroid injection, Chen says. It puts medication near the irritated nerves to help reduce inflammation. Some people get relief for weeks or months; others don’t notice much difference. The injection doesn’t remove whatever is pressing on the nerve, though. “They don’t make the disc go away. They don’t open up the space. They don’t take pressure off of the nerve,” he says.

If you’ve tried other treatments and pain is still making everyday life difficult, surgery may offer relief, Burns says. Depending on what’s pressing on the nerve, a surgeon can remove the piece of herniated disc causing the problem or create more room for the nerves.

For someone struggling to get out of bed or get through the day, that relief can make a big difference. “What surgery does offer is the ability to get better quicker,” Hsu says. Many people with a herniated disc improve without an operation, but surgery can shorten that painful wait for some patients. Results aren’t guaranteed, though—and though not everyone improves, most do, he says. A spine surgeon can help you weigh whether the likely benefits outweigh the risks.

When should you see a doctor for sciatica?

If your pain is getting worse or keeping you from your usual activities, see your doctor, Burns says. They can check your strength, sensation, and reflexes to help figure out the best treatment path.

If symptoms aren’t improving after about six weeks of treatment, Burns often considers an MRI to help figure out what’s pressing on a nerve and what to try next. But certain symptoms mean you shouldn’t wait that long to be evaluated.

“If someone suddenly has difficulty lifting their foot, begins tripping because of weakness, or notices their leg becoming progressively weaker, they need an urgent medical evaluation,” Burns says. Trouble lifting the front of your foot is called foot drop, which can make your toes drag as you walk. It can signal nerve compression severe enough to cause lasting weakness, he says.

New bladder or bowel problems—like trouble starting to pee, being unable to pee, or losing control of your bladder or bowels—are also reasons to go to the ER immediately. So is new numbness around your genitals, groin, or anus. These can signal cauda equina syndrome, a rare condition in which compressed spinal nerves affect bladder and bowel function.

For many people, getting better takes weeks to months, and the first few weeks can be especially hard. If treatment isn’t helping, let your doctor know so you can discuss what to try next. Burns doesn’t want patients to assume they simply have to live with the pain. “There is a light at the end of the tunnel, and there are treatment options.”


How to Try Somatic Shaking for Stress Relief

—Photo-Illustration by TIME (Source Image: Volodymyr Melnyk via Canva)

Imagine you’ve just washed your hands, and there’s no towel. Give them a gentle shake, and then let your arms join in.

That’s the start of a stress-management exercise that may help loosen your tense muscles and give you a break from anxious thoughts, says Kim Penberthy, a clinical psychologist and professor of research in psychiatric medicine at the UVA School of Medicine. It’s a small movement experiment—sometimes called somatic shaking—that takes a minute or less, doesn’t require any equipment, and gives you something to try when telling yourself to calm down isn’t getting you anywhere.

Here’s why shaking things out might help, plus how to give it a try.

How does shaking your body help with stress?

Think about what happens when you’re replaying an argument or worrying about tomorrow’s big work presentation. Your mind is busy, sure. But your jaw might be clenched, your shoulders raised, and your neck stiff enough to make turning your head unpleasant. Shaking your body gives you a chance to notice—and loosen—some of that tension. “If you try to tense your shoulder and shake your arm, it’s sort of hard,” Penberthy says. Letting your arm hang loosely and gently moving it encourages you to relax those muscles.

The movement also gives your mind something else to focus on. Instead of mentally rewriting the email you just sent, you’re noticing how your hands feel or concentrating on moving one leg at a time. That shift may briefly interrupt rumination—and remind you that you have a way to respond when you’re feeling stuck. Part of the relief, Penberthy says, is realizing: “I’ve got some ability to do something. I don’t have to just sit here and suffer.”

Penberthy sometimes shakes things out herself. “I often do it after a very stressful day,” she says, especially when she notices her neck aching. The image that comes to her mind is athletes shaking out their limbs before heading onto the field: a mental and physical move. 

How to try somatic shaking

Start small, advises Lisa George, a psychiatric and family nurse practitioner and founder of Talk Tribeca Psychiatry in New York. Stand comfortably with your feet planted on the floor, or sit down in a chair. Let your hands hang loosely and give them the same gentle shake you’d use to flick off water. Try that for 10 or 15 seconds, then let your arms join in, keeping your shoulders relaxed.

If it feels comfortable, loosen one leg and then the other, holding a chair or wall for support if you’re standing. If you’re sitting down, you can try small foot taps instead. Keep your eyes open, leave your head and neck steady, and breathe normally. A little movement is plenty.

“This isn’t something where you have to be aggressive,” George says. “You’re not throwing your arms.” She “shakes things out” in her own office, including around other people, and likens it to “an active form of stretching.” You’re moving enough to see whether it feels good, rather than trying to work up a sweat.

George’s own anxiety tends to show up in her body: Her heart races, her muscles tense, and she feels overwhelmed. When that happens, being told to meditate or work on her thoughts doesn’t necessarily help. Movement gives her another place to start. It’s also something you can fit into a stressful workday: a realistic alternative to telling a client, “‘Oh, you’re feeling stressed at work, you should go for a 20-minute run,’” she says.

After a brief shake, stop and notice how you feel. Are your shoulders a little lower? Do your hands feel less clenched? Has the conversation in your head quieted down? You might feel calmer, unchanged, or more energized. Use that information to decide whether this is something you’d like to try again. “If it feels good, great,” George says. “And if it doesn’t feel good, then stop.”

Don’t worry if the difference is small. Penberthy sometimes suggests rating your tension before and afterward, but she doesn’t want people thinking, “Oh no, I’ve only moved from 7 to 6. I’ve failed.” Any stress reduction is valuable, she says.

How to make “shaking it out” a stress-relief habit

You don’t have to save shaking for the end of a terrible day. Try it between tasks, after a tense phone call, or once you’re somewhere comfortable following an appointment you’ve been dreading.

Morgan Starr-Riestis, a therapist in Honolulu, recently did a quick shake beside her car after a trip to the dentist. Dental appointments are stressful for her, and she had already used breathing and other calming techniques beforehand. Afterward, she spent about 10 seconds bouncing around before getting into the car. “You just kind of allow that pent-up energy to feel like it has a place to go,” she says, “so you’re not carrying it around.”

It’s something she encourages her clients to try, too. “If you could think your way out of your problems,” she often tells them, “you would have done it by now.”

If you’re having trouble picturing the movement, Starr-Riestis suggests imagining water droplets on your skin and gently shaking them off, like a dog after a bath. Focus on where you notice tension, and move in whatever way feels comfortable. 

Starr-Riestis wishes the movement felt less socially awkward. “If somebody saw you doing squats publicly, they wouldn’t think, ‘Oh, that’s weird.’ They’d be like, ‘Oh, they’re doing squats,’” she says. If you'd rather experiment without an audience, she adds, head to a private spot, even if it’s the restroom at work.

There’s no need to turn shaking into another time-consuming thing on your to-do list. Starr-Riestis likes that it’s free, takes very little time, and gives people something they can try anytime they have a spare second. “I think so much of our healing culture has become these long drawn-out routines,” she says. “You go to yoga for an hour, you have to do this and you have to do that.”

Just leave yourself a moment afterward to be still. Take a breath, notice how you feel, and give yourself a chance to settle before checking your phone or opening the next email. “The stillness after that is really, I think, the more important part,” Starr-Riestis says.


The 10 Best Gifts for Outdoorsy Types

Every year, TIME's editors and correspondents work together to compile a collection of the most interesting and groundbreaking new products and innovations for the Best Inventions list. As holiday season approaches, the TIME team has pulled out a selection of the 10 best outdoors items from the list that would make a perfect gift for the explorers and adventurers in your life.

—Hugo Yu for TIME

The North Face Universal Wawona 3 Tent

Gear for a more broadly imagined adventurer

Inclusivity is rarely the focus of outdoor equipment innovation. With the help of professional adaptive athlete Vasu Sojitra, The North Face set out to change this with the Universal Collection. The frame of the Universal Wawona 3 tent comes together with three poles of the same size, eliminating the need for designers to use color coding that would be useless to the visually impaired to signal which pole goes where. The tent’s doorway also features a low threshold that makes it easier to roll in a wheelchair, which should have no problem being stored in the tent’s cavernous front vestibule alongside any other camping gear. —Rae Witte

Buy now: Universal Wawona 3 Tent on The North Face

—Hugo Yu for TIME

Coleman Snap ’N Go

A collapsible hard-sided cooler

Hard coolers take up too much storage space; soft coolers don’t offer enough insulation. Coleman merged the best of both with its first collapsible hard-sided cooler. The Snap ‘N Go has a leakproof design, retains cold for up to 64 hours, and quickly folds to a third of its size. “You just pick the cooler up and it self-assembles—and with one tug, it collapses back down,” says VP of R&D for Outdoor and Recreation Scott Barbieri. It’s already outselling the company’s predictions: “I think it shows the desire for people to be outside and have easily transportable gear,” Barbieri says. —Derek Rose

Buy Now: Coleman Snap ’N Go on Amazon

—Royal Robbins

Royal Robbins Salathé Sun Hoodie

Chemical-free mosquito protection 

Mosquito-borne diseases cause over 700,000 deaths per year, making the mosquito the world’s deadliest animal. Protective measures typically involve synthetic chemicals like permethrin and Deet or natural repellents with varying degrees of effectiveness, but outdoor apparel brand Royal Robbins sees another way: fabric construction. Its Salathé Sun Hoodie is made with a proprietary tight-weave ripstop fabric that the company says is roughly 92% effective against mosquito bites in lab and field testing and doesn’t wear away with time, all while remaining lightweight and breathable. As an added bonus, the fabric also offers UPF40 sun protection. —Derek Rose

Buy Now: Royal Robbins Salathé Sun Hoodie on Amazon

LifeStraw Escape

A faster water filter

Designed for the outdoors, Escape is a high-flow pressurized water purifier that holds 5.25 gallons and filters 1 liter per minute, removing viruses, bacteria, parasites, and microplastics. —TIME Staff

Buy Now: Escape on LifeStraw

—ARMEDANGELS

Armedangels Windbreaker

Petroleum-free and functional

Windbreakers are usually made from petroleum-based synthetics like polyester or nylon, and treated with forever chemicals—that’s what makes them windproof, water resistant, and durable. But it’s also what makes them an environmental nightmare. “We believe as a company that nature holds the solution to the problems we face as an industry,” says Armedangels Impact and Innovation Director Julia Kirschner. The team instead designed a windbreaker with Tencel Lyocell, a wood-pulp fiber, as the main fabric, tightly woven and treated with a PFAS-free water-repellent finish. The result is a breathable, water-repellent windbreaker that doesn’t rely on the oil industry or shed microplastics. —Matthew Huff

Buy Now: Armedangels Windbreaker on Armedangels

—Mirae Campbell

Therm-a-Rest NeoLoft Sleeping Pad

A cozy, knit, inflatable sleeping pad

After decades of creating some of the lightest sleeping pads for camping, Cascade Designs’s latest release is also one of the plushest. At 30 oz., the new Therm-a-Rest NeoLoft Sleeping Pad is still quite light. But instead of crinkly, unbreathable nylon, the inflatable mattress is constructed from a stretch knit polyester usually reserved for apparel, which feels smooth against your skin and is virtually noiseless when you shift in your sleep. It also inflates to 4.6-in. thick, unprecedented for a mattress that—when rolled up—is hardly larger than a 1L Nalgene water bottle. —Adam Schram

Buy now: Therm-a-Rest NeoLoft Sleeping Pad on Amazon

—STUDIO LBLB VIVIAN BRUCHEZ

Opinel Neo7 Alpine Folding Knife

A multitool purpose-built for mountaineering

More climbers die on Mont Blanc than on any other mountain in Europe. To help the Chamonix mountain guides who work to prevent this, French knife manufacturer Opinel involved several ENSA-certified guides to develop and test a multi-tool tailored to their specific needs. Designed so it can be opened with one gloved hand, the Neo7 Alpine includes a serrated stainless-steel knife (perfect for cutting breakcord) and a quarter-inch bit holder (sized for ski and snowboard adjustment and repair). “Instead of trying to do everything, it focuses on doing the most important jobs very well," said Francoise Detroyat, Opinel's Marketing Director.  —Erica Zazo

Buy now: Opinel Neo7 Alpine Folding Knife on Amazon

—Marmot

Marmot Wraptor

A more flexible sleeping bag

Marmot’s Wraptor sleeping bag has dual-flap magnetic closures instead of zippers for flexibility and a foot vent to help campers regulate body temperature. —TIME Staff

Buy Now: Wraptor on Marmot

—American Trench

American Trench Ventile Shell Jacket

Naturally waterproof cotton

Cotton is infamously bad when wet, absorbing moisture and causing hikers’ hypothermia. Ventile, developed for the British military in 1943, is a cotton weave that leverages the fabric’s desire to expand when wet; when densely woven, the damp fibers actually create a natural elemental barrier—no weatherproofing chemicals required. American Trench uses the elegantly utilitarian material in its new Ventile Shell Jacket. Here, the fabric’s waterproofing is aided by a light water-repellent finish and thorough internal seam taping, a technical manufacturing process rarely attempted by factories outside of southeast Asia. The Ventile Shell, however, is manufactured in Clifton, N.J. —Daniel Varghese

Buy now: American Trench Ventile Shell Jacket at americantrench.com

—Cinch X Wildland

Wild Land Wingman

Truck bed glamping

Vehicle-based camping is on the rise, and Wild Land’s Wingman is here to meet the moment. The Wingman is a hardshell topper tent that transforms a pickup truck bed into a two-story camping system with the press of a button; founder and CEO of Wild Land's distribution partner Cinch Outdoors Jake Jackson describes it as somewhere between a traditional tent and an RV. The second-story sleeping area—for example—is decked out with a transparent PVC skylight, built-in Bluetooth speakers, lighting, and a high-density foam mattress. Purists might say it’s not camping, but for Jackson, “It's as close as you can get to the wildest parts of nature with a hotel-like experience.” —Derek Rose

Buy Now: Reserve Wild Land Wingman on Cinch Outdoors


The 10 Best Gifts for the Home

Every year, TIME's editors and correspondents work together to compile a collection of the most interesting and groundbreaking new products and innovations for the Best Inventions list. As holiday season approaches, the TIME team has pulled out a selection of the 10 best household items from the list that would make a perfect gift for those looking to add more practical pizzazz to their space.

—Courtesy of Dreame

Dreame MF10 Bladeless Fan

A futuristic smart fan

Earlier this year, Yu Hao, the founder and CEO of leading robot-vacuum-maker Dreame, made headlines and stirred controversy with his goal of building it into the world’s first $100 trillion company. The first step is rapidly expanding into various sectors, including phones, wearables, and air care. Dreame’s newest smart fan, the futuristic MF10, provides wide-ranging airflow via two bladeless, independently oscillating wings. (Each wing rotates up to 180 degrees horizontally and 90 degrees vertically for 270-degree circulation.) The MF10’s TempSync system senses air temperature and automatically adjusts fan speed to optimize comfort and energy use. —Derek Rose

Buy Now: Dreame MF10 Bladeless Fan on Amazon

—Hugo Yu for TIME

Vestaboard Note

Retro message board

Vestaboard’s split-flap messaging displays evoke the sight and sound of a mid-century train station, but founder and CEO Dorrian Porter says it’s more than a nod to the past—it’s a respite from glowing screens. “The whole internet collapsed into our phones,” Porter says. “There’s an opportunity to put that information into our lives in simpler, more peaceful ways.” The Note—a compact version of the company’s much larger flagship product—launched in February, and can display personal messages, weather, stock prices, Spotify songs, and hundreds of other options via 2,880 mesmerizing flaps controlled via an app. —Derek Rose

Buy Now: Vestaboard Note on Vestaboard

—Aura

Aura Ink 

A cordless, wall-mounted digital frame

Digital photo frames have been around for decades, but you couldn’t easily wall-mount them without cord clutter until Aura Ink, a wireless, 13.3-in. display that can hold a charge for up to three months. Unlike traditional LCD frames that can make your living room feel like Times Square, Aura Ink uses a color e-paper technology that gives photos a vintage-print quality. Designing it meant “reinventing the whole product," Aura co-founder and CTO Eric Jensen says. For instance, because e-paper reflects ambient light (unlike a back-lit LCD), the Ink has a built-in front light that automatically adjusts to the room’s brightness. —Jessica Sager

Buy Now: Aura Ink on Aura Frames

—Hugo Yu for TIME

Syncere Lume

A lamp that does chores

Like Lumiere the candlestick before it, the Lume both sheds light and completes tasks for its owner with nary a complaint. To create an AI-powered butler, AI startup Syncere reimagined the bedside lamp as a robotic arm that, when prompted via an app, makes the bed or sorts through a heap of clean laundry and folds it into neat piles. The current iteration can be wheeled around the house, and works best when purchased in a pair to fold clothes, make the bed, or pick up clutter. The company says it will learn more tasks with time. —Emma Barker Bonomo

Buy Now: Lume on Syncere

—Signify

Signify Philips Skylight

Engineering natural light

The lighting pros at Philips have tackled the final frontier: replicating natural sunlight. The Philips Skylight provides a ceiling-mounted frame, which comes in two sizes, filled with a light panel that mimics the soft, fluctuating daylight of a skylight for those who rent or live on lower floors. The biggest challenges, its designers say, were mimicking the fade from crisp morning rays to bright noon light to a soft evening glow, and creating a sense of depth to conjure the distant sky. The VitaUp version even uses safe UV-B lights to stimulate vitamin D production. —Emma Barker Bonomo

Buy Now: Signify Philips Skylight on Amazon

—Flipper Devices

Flipper Devices Busy Bar

A timer that limits distractions 

Busy Bar started with a cardboard box with an LED strip as a stoplight to let coworkers know you’re occupied. Now the glowing gadget, which resembles a retro alarm clock, can share a personalized message, set a Pomodoro timer, lock down distracting apps, silence notifications, and connect to smart home systems to dim lights and change the music—all at the touch of a physical button. And that’s just the beginning. The product is open source, which gives you plenty of opportunity for customization. Place the bar on your desk, attach it to your monitor, or hang it on the wall and find your focus. —Nina Elder

Buy Now: Flipper Devices Busy Bar on Amazon

—Hugo Yu for TIME

Marshall Stockwell III

Classic portable speaker, better battery life 

Many portable Bluetooth speakers still prioritize function over form. Marshall’s revamped Stockwell III marries the two ideas, fitting a ton of features into a sleek package that looks like a mini version of the brand’s iconic amps. The battery lasts for an industry-best 40 hours and is replaceable (essentially unheard of in consumer electronics). Audio is better than ever too: Marshall’s signature True Stereophonic 360° audio ensures music sounds amazing from all angles, while the Dynamic Loudness feature automatically adjusts balance across volumes. —Eliza Thompson

Buy Now: Marshall Stockwell III on Amazon

—ECOVACS

Ecovacs Winbot W3 Omni

Cordless robot window washer

Cleaning floor-to-ceiling windows can feel like an Olympic sport. Ecovacs Winbot W3 Omni lets you sit this one out. Simply press the small robot against a pane of glass and watch its TruEdge scrubber get within 1.1 mm of edges and corners. Unlike its predecessor, the W3 Omni is paired with a portable station whose built-in battery powers 130 minutes of continuous cleaning—no nearby outlet or extension cord necessary. That same dock features Vortex Wash, which automatically cleans the robot’s dirty wiping pads in about a minute. Your ladder and microfiber cloth could never. —Matthew Huff

Buy Now: Ecovacs Winbot W3 Omni on Amazon

—Courtesy of Nuwave LLC

Nuwave Smart Mug

A cup that does the brewing

Plenty of mugs claim to keep beverages hot, and a few will even reheat a drink if it gets cold, but the 14-oz. Nuwave Smart Mug goes a step further by brewing tea and coffee on the spot. Add coffee grounds or loose tea leaves to its stainless-steel brewing filter, then tap a preset button for coffee, green tea, or black tea, or choose a temperature of your liking anywhere from 70°F to 205°F. Then discard the grounds or leaves and enjoy at your leisure: the dishwasher-safe cup maintains the just-so temp for more than five hours, and automatically shuts off once you’ve taken your last sip. —Matthew Huff

Buy Now: Nuwave Smart Mug on Amazon

—SharkNinja

Ninja Slushi Twist

Life of the party

The original Ninja Slushi sold out 15 times after it debuted in July 2024. Now SharkNinja has doubled down on that success, literally, with the Slushi Twist. The double-barreled frozen-drink maker can churn out two icy drinks at once, even when their ingredients—and therefore their freezing points—are markedly different. The machine’s Dual SlushAssist technology uses sensors to analyze each mixture and determine how cold it needs to get, and its refrigeration system controls the chambers independently, so a margarita and a milkshake can reach peak consistency at the same time. Two spouts let you pour each flavor separately or in a swirl. —Matthew Huff

Buy Now: Ninja Slushi Twist on Amazon


How TIME and Statista Determined the World's Best Companies in Sustainable Growth 2027

—Photo-illustration by TIME; FanPro—Getty Images

The "World’s Best Companies - Sustainable Growth 2027" ranking is a comprehensive analysis aimed at identifying companies that demonstrate outstanding performance in sustainable development while maintaining strong financial health. The ranking focuses on three key dimensions - Revenue Growth, Financial Stability, and Environmental Impact. Only companies that transparently disclose their environmental data are considered for inclusion in the ranking.

Methodology

The first dimension, Revenue Growth, was evaluated based on a company's revenue between 2023 and 2025. To ensure a fair comparison, revenue growth was analyzed both in terms of relative growth and compared to the industry average. Companies were required to demonstrate consistent revenue growth during the evaluation period to be considered.

The second dimension, Financial Stability, was assessed using well-established financial metrics, including the Piotroski F-Score and Altman Z-Score. The F-Score measures a company’s financial health by examining profitability, leverage, and liquidity, while the Z-Score assesses the likelihood of bankruptcy. Companies that showed resilience and stability, especially in times of economic uncertainty, scored highly in this category. Additionally, profitability over the last five years (2021- 2025) was an important factor, ensuring that companies not only grew but maintained solid financial foundations. Industry specific KPIs were utilized to portray financial stability of companies within the banking, insurance and REIT sectors.

The third dimension, Environmental Impact, was a core focus of this analysis. Using data from 2024, the evaluation covered both direct and indirect carbon emissions, categorized as Scope 1, Scope 2, and Scope 3 emissions. Companies were evaluated based on their total emissions and emissions intensity, measured both relative to revenue and industry peers. Green energy use, water consumption, and waste management were additional key performance indicators. Companies that effectively reduced their environmental impact while maintaining operational efficiency scored highly in this dimension. Data sources included publicly available sustainability reports, environmental disclosures, and third-party environmental databases.

Once all data was collected, it was consolidated and weighed within a scoring model. The scores of all three dimensions were weighed equally to determine the final ranking score, with a maximum of 100 points. The 500 companies with the highest scores were featured on the “World’s Best Companies - Sustainable Growth 2027” ranking by TIME and Statista.

See the full list.


World’s Best Companies in Sustainable Growth 2027

As the world is reshaped by the AI industry while trying to stave off the worst effects of climate change, corporations have to strike a balance between growth and environmental and social stewardship. TIME and Statista have published the third annual ranking of World’s Best Companies in Sustainable Growth, identifying 500 companies that demonstrate outstanding performance in sustainable development while maintaining strong financial health. The ranking accounts for revenue growth, financial stability, and environmental impact. Only companies transparently disclosing their environmental data are considered for inclusion in the ranking.

Methodology: How TIME and Statista chose the World’s Best Companies in Sustainable Growth

Compared to last year’s list, in the top ten, several companies improved their rankings, and there were some new names appearing on the list as well. Nvidia, a company at the epicenter of AI’s buildup, climbed from no.6 last year to lead this year’s list. Its revenues across its various business platforms like data centers, hyperscale, AI cloud, and edge computing have continued to grow from 2025, with a 106% year over year growth, as reported in its 2027 Q2 earnings, driven by the Blackwell Ultra infrastructure introduced over the last few years. “We're the only company in the world that creates and builds, offers an entire AI factory platform, a full-stack system. And customers can still mix and match,” Nvidia CEO Jensen Huang said on an earnings call in August. “Most companies just don't have the skills to do that or desire to do that. And so, there's an entire part of the market that we experience growth. There's sovereign AI, there are regional AIs, there are neoclouds, there are AI start-ups, there are enterprises – which represents about half of our business, and that's growing 100% a year.” (The data for this year's list does not account for Nvidia's recent stock dip following the announcement of an investigation into CEO Jensen Huang's relationship with a suspected Chinese spy.)

On the sustainable development side, Nvidia has partnered with industries like healthcare, education, weather monitoring and more to improve and expand services and accelerate innovation. Related discussion around grid demands of AI, Nvidia stated in its 2026 sustainability report that it is working on, for example, power-flexible AI factories that can increase capacity while reducing stress on the grid, especially during peak times. It is also working on designing increasingly energy efficient products including chips. In addition to using creative ways to capture and reuse water on its various campuses, Nvidia stated that it’s deploying closed-loop liquid cooling across its AI factories and leased data centers where applicable. The design of their cooling system “can significantly reduce or eliminate water use for cooling compared to traditional evaporative systems.” Additionally, Nvidia supports  industry-wide efforts to validate the source of minerals used in its products with the goal to use “only conflict-free gold, tantalum, tungsten, and tin (3TG).” The company reported that it has removed noncompliant 3TG smelters and refiners from its supply chain to help meet this goal.

E.L.F. Beauty, no. 2 this year, up from no. 13, had a strong-performance year across its portfolio, including with the brand Rhode, which it acquired last year, and Naturium. In a second quarter earnings report in November, its net sales this past March to end of September are up 51% compared to the same period last year. “This marks our 31st consecutive quarter of net sales growth. That is almost eight continuous years of growth. We are one of only six public consumer companies out of 516 that has grown for 31 straight quarters and averaged at least 20% net sales growth per quarter,” CEO Tarang Amin said in the earnings call. “Rhode continues to break records with every launch, including most recently in Sephora Europe, marking the biggest launch in Sephora's history.”

E.L.F has also leveled up from a C to a B in its CDP climate score during the second year of reporting due to getting more suppliers to use renewable energy, using lower carbon logistics such as hydrogen trucks for shorter delivery on the West Coast of the U.S., and designing packaging with recycling in mind as well as sourcing “smarter materials like FSC-certified paper and wood, and post-consumer recycled and bio-based resins.”  

Four international companies in the list’s top ten are new: France-based management consulting firm Wavestone (no. 5), Sweden-based helmet maker Mips (no. 6), Taiwan-based integrated circuit designer Aspeed Technology (no. 7) which provides remote server management chip products, and the U.K.-based real estate company LondonMetric Property (no. 9).

See the full list of the World’s Best Companies in Sustainable Growth below:


TIME's Kid of the Year Is Helping First Responders Comfort Children in Crisis

Ledger Mann, 9, at home with some of his LGM bags on Oct. 25. —Matt Eich for TIME

The little lost boy in Prince George County could not know about the effort the grownups were making to find him. He hadn’t been gone very long, but the county in Virginia is wooded, with streams and thickets and tangles. Any child could become hopelessly lost there. 

For this boy, who has autism and experiences sensory-processing challenges, the unfamiliar environment could be especially overwhelming. So the grownups mustered the police and rallied the fire department, deployed a drone, and released the dogs, all of them scouring the dense local woods.

To the profound relief of the community—to say nothing of his desperate family—the boy was soon found. He hadn’t gone far—no farther than the back deck of his home, where he had climbed into the storage cabinet below a gas grill and shut the little door behind him. That was where the first responders found him—sitting calmly and cross-legged, insulated from the intrusive buzz and searing light of the world around him.

Sergeant JT Mann of the Prince George County police department was one of the searchers who found the boy. When he came home that evening, he told his wife and two sons what had happened. They would understand better than most, he knew, because the younger of his two children—Ledger, 9—also has autism. Ledger heard the story and sympathized with what the lost boy must have experienced.

“I felt a little sad for him,” he says. “I felt a little bad for him.”

Ledger stands with the flight crew of HCA Virginia’s Air Care Eagle emergency medical helicopter in Hopewell, VA, holding a bag he presented to the crew for the helicopter on Nov. 4, 2025. —Courtesy of the Mann family

Ledger—whose work has earned him recognition as TIME’s Kid of the Year for 2026 and as a TIME for Kids Service Star, our sister publication’s program highlighting young people making a positive impact—approved of the way his father had coaxed the boy out of the cabinet, playing a video on a smartphone to catch his eye and ease his fear. But he also believed that wasn’t enough. 

There are so many things a child on the spectrum might appreciate in a crisis, Ledger thought—a blanket, a plush toy, a book, a fidget spinner to busy their hands, wireless headphones to listen to music or stories, sunglasses to dim the outside glare. If the child is nonverbal, a dry-erase board and a marker would provide a way to write down thoughts or respond to questions. 

“Dad,” he said straightforwardly, “you don’t have those things.”

It was at that moment last year that Ledger resolved to set things to rights. First responders should always have these types of items on hand, he said, so that all children—especially those with autism—can find comfort in traumatic situations, including car accidents and fires, when things move fast and the world seems to be coming unmoored. And, Ledger believed, all of those objects should be carried in a clear backpack so children could see and point to what they need. 

“He came up with that whole concept in a span of 10 minutes,” says Ledger’s mother Amanda, the elected commonwealth’s attorney for Dinwiddie County, Virginia. 

Since then, Ledger, his parents, and his big brother Peyton, 16—along with no shortage of friends, neighbors, first-responder groups and other volunteers—have worked to make his vision a reality. The family has a Facebook page called LGM Bags—for Ledger Greyson Mann—and is looking to register as a 501(c)(3) nonprofit. Ledger’s bags are distributed in six states, and the family doesn’t plan to stop there. 

Money to support Ledger’s idea started almost immediately, with a round of funding from a very fitting source: Ledger’s piggy bank. As it happened, there was ample cash on hand.

“Ledger saves his money religiously,” says Amanda. “He doesn’t like to spend, so he had about $100.” That was enough to pay for the first four bags and all of the plushies and other goodies needed to fill them. The family delivered them to local police stations and firehouses, and the reaction of the first responders was so enthusiastic and so rewarding for Ledger that he pressed to make and distribute more. But since Ledger’s piggy bank could stretch only so far, JT decided to engage the community.

“We reached out to civic centers—the Moose Lodge, the Fraternal Order of the Police, churches—who donated money toward purchasing the bag and the stuff that goes in it,” says JT. “Nothing in the bag is expensive. Everything is from the Dollar Tree or Dollar General. They’re not $100 headsets. They’re $5 headsets.”

Before long, the Manns’ garage was piled high with the makings for dozens of emergency go bags. Before the work began, much of Ledger’s free time was spent doing homework, practicing jujitsu, and playing organized football—and it still is. But he now spends his remaining time in the garage, packing up the bags in a careful, just-so way. Each item is accounted for so every bag is complete, all carefully arranged so that nothing is hidden from view.

“He’s very particular about how the bag has to be made,” says JT. “He has an assembly line and everything has to be done perfectly.”

The more bags the family assembled, the more widely the Manns distributed them, and they took care to position them strategically. Dinwiddie County covers 286 sq. mi., so the Manns initially distributed bags in central locations before expanding outward to ensure no area was overlooked. The various hospitals, EMS teams, police departments, and fire departments that had bags on hand showed a ready willingness to share the wealth with other responders who didn’t.

“If the fire department’s on one side of the county, our police officer [in the vicinity] wouldn’t have to go all the way back to the police station,” says JT. “The bags are located so that the police officer could pick one up at that fire station.”

Ledger and his father JT, a sergeant with the Prince George County police department. —Matt Eich for TIME

Word of good deeds has a way of getting around—and so it was with the Manns’ efforts. Early this year, a local television reporter approached the family to produce a story that aired well beyond the Dinwiddie County limits. Corporations, private citizens, and first-responder groups from Florida, New York, Maryland, West Virginia, North Carolina, and elsewhere in Virginia reached out to offer support or request bags for their communities.

“We had one individual fly out from Texas,” says JT. “She flew all the way [to Virginia to deliver] bags from her company. She visited our police department over one weekend to meet Ledger because he was such an inspiration to her.”

So far, the Manns have assembled and distributed more than 475 bags—an impressive number that is continuing to grow. 

Ledger the public servant is, of course, still Ledger the kid, with schoolwork and hobbies very much a part of his life. Until this year, he attended a Dinwiddie public school, but, according to his mom, the kind of specialized attention he needs as he’s grown older requires a smaller environment. Now he is one of 10 children attending a private school known as the Learning to Lead Academy. His favorite subject is math; his favorite hobby is Lego; his favorite position in football is on the offensive line. But the day before speaking to TIME, he played defense—and even recorded a quarter-back sack.

Ledger has a long way to go before having to think about what he wants to be when he grows up, but he has some ideas—a couple of them inspired by his father and his brother Peyton, who is eyeing colleges and wants to study architecture. “I want to be a lot of things,” Ledger says. “A police officer, a builder, work with robotics.”

With each bag the family distrib-utes, they discover something new about what kids in distress need for comfort. Children get to keep any item they select from a bag, while the bag and its remaining contents go back to the first responders, who replace the missing items. Far and away the comfort items in greatest demand are the plush animals. Ledger himself has a mountain of them.

“We have a playroom full and a bedroom full of plushies,” says Amanda. “Whether it’s a boy or a girl, a stuffed animal is always a good comfort for any child. They can be in their own little world, where they’re safe and comfortable.”

During weekends or when Ledger is on school vacation, the family visits the towns and counties that have requested the bags, deliver-ing completed ones and helping to assemble others on-site.

“It’s healing to him and beneficial to him to go out to meet all these people,” Amanda says. “And when we go, they welcome him with open arms. They let him meet therapy animals, including horses.”

The only participating locale the family hasn’t visited in person is Ulster County, New York, which committed itself to assembling 100 bags. Instead, the county and the family -arranged a Zoom conversation so that Ledger could explain how the bags should be assembled. As he had been with the other jurisdictions the family worked with, Ledger was all business, keeping a close eye on how the bags were packed. “One place was doing it out of order,” JT says. “He was not a fan of that.” 

During the family’s travels to various states, the first responders give Ledger challenge coins and patches, which he collects. At his suggestion—and following his design—LGM Bags now has its own patch and coin.

Ledger’s passion and attention to detail continue to fuel the project—one that the family hopes to take nationwide. 

“I want to have this go everywhere,” says Ledger. “To all of America!”

Correction: Nov. 11, 2026. The original version of this story misstated the county in which a child was lost. It was Prince George County, not Dinwiddie County.


Inside the Troubling Rise of TeleICUs

—Photo-Illustration by TIME (Source Images: Pexels, Arafat Uddin via Canva)

It was the middle of the night in the intensive care unit (ICU) of Island Hospital in Anacortes, Wash., and a patient was hallucinating and in withdrawal from alcohol. The Ativan he’d been given wasn’t enough to lower his heart rate, and Joyce Selph, a longtime nurse, was called over to assist. 

The protocol, she knew, was to call the attending physician and figure out next steps, but there was a problem. The hospital used a teleICU model, in which doctors staffed the ICU during the day, but only remote doctors were available overnight, via computer screen. Selph and the other nurses had tried to reach the teleICU doctor, but no one answered the calls.

There was no one else to ask, and the patient was rapidly deteriorating. So Selph, who had been a nurse for more than 30 years, did what she assumed a doctor would do; she started the patient on Precedex, a medication that can help sedate a patient. 

Giving medication without a doctor’s orders risked her license, Selph knew, but not doing anything risked the patient’s life. The patient survived. Selph was so disturbed by the incident that she complained to her nursing supervisors and to the hospital’s administration that having a doctor on screen rather than in person was bad policy, but they decided to keep it for financial reasons, she says.

Soon after, Selph quit her job at Island Hospital, she says, because she felt that the teleICU was endangering patients’ safety and making her practice outside of her scope.  

“They did it as a cost-saving measure because they were having trouble getting hospitalists to want to be there,” Selph says. “But I felt very strongly that it was unsafe.” (Island Health said, in a statement to TIME, that it launched a teleICU program in 2021 to strengthen the level of critical care available in its rural community. It has used a vendor to run the program, the spokeswoman said, and “any technical challenges that have arisen have been addressed directly with [the vendor] to ensure continued safe, effective patient care.”)

More hospitals are implementing teleICUs, especially overnight, as they struggle to recruit enough providers while keeping costs low. Having a remote physician who can staff multiple hospital ICUs at once can keep ICUs open and revenue coming in, even in the midst of an ongoing shortage of doctors. Though the model was initially pitched as a way to help rural systems deploy experts at all hours, it is frequently used in more urban and suburban areas as well. One 2025 paper surveyed 574 adult ICUs across the country and found that about one third implemented some form of telemedicine. 

The teleICU model has been gaining attention recently after Conor Hylton, a 26-year-old dental student, died in 2024 after being transferred to an teleICU at the Milford Campus of Bridgeport Hospital in Connecticut, part of Yale New Haven Health. In March 2026, his family filed a lawsuit over his treatment. The complaint included an inspection report from the Centers from Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) that found, among other failures, that no physician had overseen Hylton’s care after he was transferred to the ICU, and that the ER physician who had been called up to intubate him did not know the way to the ICU and got lost, delaying Hylton’s treatment by crucial minutes.

William Hylton, Conor’s father, told TIME about the experience of watching his son die as a doctor on a big screen tried to give nurses instructions to adjust his ventilator. He’d brought his son to the emergency room with stomach pain the night before and was told he’d be hydrated inpatient and released shortly after. Conor was transferred to the ICU after William had left for the evening, because his pancreas was inflamed and his heart was racing. The hospital violated its own policy by not informing Conor’s parents that he had been transferred, the CMS report found. His parents got a call at 4:30 a.m. alerting them that their son was near death and in the eICU; they raced to the hospital where they watched their son die, 11 hours after he had arrived at the hospital. “I started thinking about the guy in the screen, and thinking, ‘What the hell was that?’” Hylton says. “Why wasn’t there someone at his bedside?”

The hospital in Connecticut isn’t the only teleICU where patient care appears to have suffered because of the remote setup. TIME reviewed hospital inspection reports from the last six years by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services and found three other instances in which patients died or received substandard care after interacting with a teleICU doctor. In one 2024 instance in Los Banos, Calif., a teleICU physician ordered a medication for a patient whose heart rate was rapidly dropping, “but the record did not indicate it was administered,” the inspection says, and the patient died. In 2021 at a medical center in Reading, Penn., a teleICU physician ordered that a patient with COVID be intubated, but no in-person doctor capable of inserting a chest tube was available for two hours; the patient coded while the chest tube was finally being inserted. And at a hospital in Louisiana, a critically ill patient could not be transferred to another facility for care because hospital staff “failed to follow the appropriate process for after-hours when there was no in-house physician on call.” They did not know they were supposed to call the teleICU doctor, and the patient died while waiting to be transferred. 

Experts say that while teleICUs can be useful in providing care, many hospitals don’t use them effectively and instead use them primarily to cut costs. “It can definitely be misused if the goal is to make the spreadsheet look good and staff as many beds as possible with one doctor,” says Dr. Eric Scholten, who works as an teleICU doctor in a system in the American West where he says the system functions well. (His hospital did not give him permission to speak on its behalf.)

Selph says that nurses are often the ones who have to take on the duties of examining a patient and assessing them in person because a teleICU doctor can’t. That seems wrong to her. “These patients are being charged for care, thinking they are getting a physician monitoring their case,” she says. “But in reality they weren’t even assessing the patients themselves; it was the nurse assessing and giving information.”

It’s an open secret among many doctors and nurses that some hospitals with teleICUs provide poor quality care. One doctor whose practice contracts with a teleICU in North Carolina and provides services there—who wished to remain anonymous—told TIME that none of the doctors in his practice send their families to the hospital where the teleICU is used because they all think it’s sub-standard care. “The running joke is, ‘Don’t send me to that hospital if I’m sick,’” he says. 

The rise of the teleICU

TeleICUs first became popular in the mid-2000s after research suggested that patients in ICUs would benefit from having what’s called an “intensivist,” an expert in treating ICU patients, available 24-7, says Deena Costa, a professor at the Yale School of Nursing who has studied teleICUs. At the time, many hospitals didn’t have intensivists available overnight.

A company called Visicu, founded in 1998 by two intensivists at Johns Hopkins Hospital, became the leading company to provide this teleICU technology, advertising that it could cut costs by 25% while making an intensivist available around the clock and reducing the number of ICU deaths: a win-win-win.

Costa, who was an ICU nurse before going into academia, says she remembers the buzz around the Visicu system at the time, but that nurses she interviewed had mixed feelings about its effectiveness. Some told her they felt micromanaged and surveilled. Since then, some studies have suggested that the round-the-clock presence of an intensivist isn’t as essential as researchers once thought because it doesn’t have an impact on mortality, she says.

But many hospitals had already embraced the teleICU system, and for some, there was no going back. By 2016, Philips, which had acquired Visicu in 2008, was touting the financial benefits of teleICUs, citing a study that found that they increased case volume by 44% and helped save hospitals tens of millions of dollars by reducing the need for doctors on the premises. 

ICUs on their own don’t generally bring in a lot of revenue for hospitals, says Dr. Nandita Nadig, an associate professor at Northwestern University’s Feinberg School of Medicine and a critical care doctor. But some hospitals that have other specialties that may bring in revenue, like a stroke center or a surgeon who performs bypass surgery, are required to have ICUs if they want to have those specialties, she says.  

By 2018, about 18% of total ICU beds in the U.S. used telemedicine critical care, up from less than 5% in 2010, one study found. 

Then came the pandemic. As ICUs became filled with critically ill people and hospitals faced a shortage of critical care doctors, more facilities adopted the technology. 

By October 2020, Philips said it was seeing “increased interest in telehealth solutions like Tele-ICU.” 

The benefits of teleICUs

For hospitals, the big benefit of a teleICU is that it can provide the perspective of a critical care doctor without having to pay for one to be at your facility at all hours. This is especially beneficial for rural hospitals that can’t afford to staff a critical care specialist around the clock, or for a larger health system where one virtual specialist can check in on patients at multiple hospitals. 

“The reality is that not every place is desirable to raise a family or build a life, so you do need some of this backstop—I do believe there’s a place for it,” says Dr. Allison Harriott, a critical care and emergency medicine physician who has researched teleICUs. “But can it fully supplant what I do at the bedside? I don’t think so.”   

Having a remote intensivist available to lend expertise can be useful for patients in rural areas, says Nadig. Intensivists may see a red flag that a patient should be put on a heart-lung machine, for instance, or that they need a lung transplant. They can also help patients who are in small, local hospitals stay in their communities, she says, rather than be transferred hundreds of miles to a facility with an intensivist. 

The U.S. has a shortage of intensivists, Nadig says, and as patients get older and their care becomes more complex, teleICU doctors can be better than not having any intensivist available. 

One 2025 study funded by Philips found that from 2012 to 2020, hospitals with telecritical care capabilities had lower patient death rates in the ICU and shorter ICU stays. Philips customers use the technology “to extend access to intensivist expertise, support bedside clinicians, monitor patient populations and help identify patients who may need earlier intervention,” says Martijn Hartjes, an executive at Philips who leads hospital patient monitoring. 

But both Hartjes and Nadig agree: a teleICU doctor should not replace bedside physicians. “The value of a teleICU is really how well it’s applied,” says Nadig. Hartjes echoed this sentiment. “The Philips eICU program,” he says, “is intended to supplement, not replace, bedside care.”  

Problems with implementation 

The original purpose of teleICUs seems to have been lost in recent years, Nadig says. A 2021 study found that teleICUs were actually less predominant in rural hospitals than in urban and suburban hospitals.

Recent estimates suggest that about one fifth of hospitals in the country use teleICUs. Now, as more hospitals struggle financially in response to funding cuts in legislation like H.R. 1—the One Big Beautiful Bill Act—and impending cuts to Medicaid, some are considering switching to teleICUs. In 2025, the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel reported that Ascension, a nonprofit chain of Wisconsin hospitals, was replacing some of its critical care doctors with physicians from a national staffing agency, including telehealth doctors. (Ascension said in a statement that it had incorporated telehealth capabilities “as a supplement to our providers and care teams, a model used broadly around the world.”) A Montana-based medical center told NBC in June 2026 that it planned to transition its pediatric intensive care services to a 24/7 telehealth-supported model, despite pushback from physicians and nurses. 

TeleICUs operate very differently in the U.S. than they do in other countries, says Dr. Claudia Spies, medical director of Charite Universitatsmedizin Berlin, a teaching hospital that has a teleICU. Spies, who has researched teleICUs, says that in Germany and other high-income countries, the teleICU exists to give patients access to more specialists who can weigh in on their case. But this complements in-person care; hospitals with teleICUs do not typically cut staff, she says. Instead, there is still a doctor physically present in the teleICU, who consults with the other doctors over the screen to decide how best to treat the patient. 

“Here, it was never really used to save money on staff,” Spies says. “In my opinion, that’s not the way an ICU should be established.” Public health insurance in Germany won’t reimburse treatment in the ICU if there is not a doctor physically present, she says. 

In Brazil, teleICUs expanded during the COVID pandemic, but were primarily used to train physicians and nurses in responding to critically ill patients, rather than replacing in-person health care. The program stayed in place after the pandemic in many hospitals that did not have intensivists on site.

Scholten, the doctor who works at an teleICU in the U.S., says that the system can work well—even without a doctor physically present in the ICU—if the virtual doctor is familiar with the hospital system and the doctors who work there. The doctor needs to intimately understand the processes of how the hospital works, like who to contact to get a patient intubated or discharged. His hospitals have flow sheets that tell nurses what to do if someone is deteriorating rapidly and there’s no cardiac surgeon nearby, for instance. Outsourcing the teleICU to third-party contractors is generally not a good model, he says. “It takes a lot of resources to make it work well,” he says, “as a service to keep people in their local community.”  

In his experience, teleICUs have been helpful at getting patients off of ventilators earlier than they would have been able to if they’d had to wait for a doctor to round, he says, which cuts down on infection risk. For routine pneumonia or routine heart failure, teleICUs can help local doctors more effectively manage patients, he says. 

But teleICUs shouldn’t be thought of as a way to save money, he says—because oftentimes, they don’t. “I would argue that it’s cost-neutral,” he says. “It provides high-quality care to rural sites and allows you to efficiently care for patients.” 

“It can go awry when they just say, ‘We’re getting rid of bedside coverage, and you just call this person who’s a long way away and doesn’t know the culture,” Scholten says.

Unfamiliar territory

The problem of a teleICU doctor being unfamiliar with the inner workings of a hospital came up repeatedly in the public records searched by TIME. Many times, hospitals with problematic teleICUs did not have a clear process for communication between virtual doctors and inpatient doctors. In other instances, patients and their families were not told why the patient was being seen by a teleICU doctor rather than a bedside doctor. 

After Conor Hylton died, CMS investigated Bridgeport Hospital’s Milford Campus and found that “the hospital failed to ensure quality medical care was provided to a patient who presented to the Emergency Department and was transferred to the intensive care unit.” Among other things, the investigation found that the hospital did not integrate the teleICU well into the rest of the system: there was no process for the in-person emergency room doctor to sign out to the teleICU doctor, for instance. And when Hylton went into cardiac arrest at 4:33 a.m., the only doctor who could intubate him—the emergency room doctor—did not arrive until 4:45 a.m. because the doctor did not know how to get to the ICU: proof, his family’s lawyer argues, of a system that did not plan adequately for emergencies. The nurses, teleICU doctor, and hospitalist were all unsure who was supposed to lead the code in the ICU when Hylton went into distress, according to the report. Yale New Haven Health said in a statement to TIME that “our priority has always been, and remains, providing safe, high-quality care to our patients. We remain committed to continuous review and improvement of patient safety practices. Because this is active litigation, we cannot comment on specific allegations and will address the claims in the appropriate legal forum.”

Similarly, in 2024, CMS investigated Memorial Hospital Los Banos in California after the teleICU doctor ordered a critical medication for a patient that may not have been administered, and the patient died. The report found no record of the in-house physician being notified of the patient’s condition, and no record of any doctor—virtual or not—proclaiming the patient dead. CMS determined that the hospital and the outside teleICU company it contracted with did not appropriately coordinate care. Medical directors of the teleICU and the hospital were supposed to be meeting quarterly to improve care in the teleICU, but they did not, according to the report. Sutter Health said, in a statement, that “we consistently take opportunities to reexamine and reevaluate policies and clinical workflows within all our care settings so as to enhance our abilities to care for our patients,” but that legal requirements prevented the hospital from providing additional information. 

The lack of a clear chain of command between doctors in the hospital and the one in the teleICU came up frequently in CMS investigations into incidents involving this type of care. In Glenwood Regional Medical Center in West Monroe, Louisiana, an ICU patient was awaiting transfer to another hospital, but one doctor did not answer their phone, and staff failed to notify any other medical provider—including those in the teleICU, who were on call from 7 p.m. to 7 a.m. The teleICU was called later that night when the patient was in severe distress, according to the CMS report, and soon after, the patient died. The hospital’s chief medical officer later said in interviews with CMS that staff should have called the teleICU for the transfer, but the inspection report found that staff weren’t trained on who to contact. (Healthcare Systems of America, which owns Glenwood Regional Medical Center, did not respond to a request for comment.)

The absence of in-person staff to treat patients who need immediate care also came up repeatedly in CMS investigations involving teleICUs. At Penn State Health St. Joseph Medical Center, a patient’s lung collapsed and a virtual ICU physician ordered intubation and placement of a chest tube, but “the cardiothoracic physician failed to arrive in a timely manner,” and the patient coded when the chest tube was being inserted, according to the CMS investigation. The report found that there was no chain of command for staff to escalate the process when an in-person physician does not show up on time, the report found. Penn State Health did not respond to a request for comment. 

William Hylton says that patients, like his son, have the right to know whether the hospital they’re going to has an teleICU, and whether there are nearby hospitals that may have more in-person resources available to help patients in distress.

“There was no doctor in person providing critical care,” he says. “You can’t insert a breathing tube through a television.”

He hopes that Connecticut and other states will pass laws that require hospitals to divulge whether they have teleICU and offer to transfer patients to other hospitals if they can’t handle the level of care that the patient needs. 

It’s not just Connecticut where family members are seeking more transparency about teleICUs. In its investigation into the incident at Memorial Hospital Los Banos, CMS interviewers found that the family members of another patient who was in the same ICU had concerns about the teleICU. That patient’s son and daughter-in-law said that they did not like that the hospital did not have doctors present in the ICU and that patients were telemonitored. They had asked for their father to be transferred to a larger hospital with more resources, according to the inspection report, but he was not transferred. He also died in the hospital.

Joyce Selph, the nurse who was uncomfortable with how telehealth was administered at her hospital in Washington, now works at a hospital with in-person staff in the ICU, but she still thinks about the suffering that her patients had to go through because of the teleICU.

“We all know as nurses that stuff happens after hours,” she says. “But if there’s a time delay in getting care, for an ICU setting, that’s deadly.” 

It bothers her that she told Island Hospital repeatedly about the problems in the teleICU and that nothing changed. She was the first to leave based on the changing model of care, she says, but since then, “there has been an exodus.” (A spokesperson for Island Health said its retention is in line with the national average and that its teleICU helps give care teams support so that patients aren’t automatically transferred to Seattle when Island Health can safely care for them near their homes.)

Selph says she remembers waiting as long as 30 or 45 minutes to hear back from a teleICU doctor at her old job when she needed to know how to handle a patient. In an ICU, time matters, she says, and a wait like that can change a patient’s trajectory. Even when the doctors did answer her calls, there was not a good system to communicate what was going on to the doctors on the screen, she says. “There’s a doctor who has never seen the patient before, has never assessed them—it’s like putting a blindfold on and trying to do medicine.” 

She also believes that patients should know more about what kind of care they’ll be getting in an ICU before they check into a hospital. “The community has a right to know, if you’re going to come in and half of your care is going to be covered by a doctor who pops up on screen,” she says. “I wouldn’t take anybody I cared about to a hospital that used an eICU at night.” 


How Democrats Can Win Florida in 2028

—Eva Marie Uzcategui—Bloomberg via Getty Images

On Tuesday, Democrats flipped traditionally Republican states in places many considered out of reach. As I watched the returns come in from my apartment in Brooklyn, I wondered whether Florida, my home state, would also turn blue. 

In the end, Republicans won most of Florida’s major statewide races––one of the few losses Democrats suffered. On the surface, the sea change that swept through the country appeared to have missed Florida. But Democratic candidates here didn’t lose by much, and that distinction paints a more complicated picture of Florida’s electorate.

The results challenge the assumptions about the political limits of progressives in the state. With 2028 approaching, Democrats need to start building a new movement in Florida now.

The results were very close

On election night, Alfred Soto, an associate teaching professor of communications at Florida International University, was momentarily buoyed as he watched the vote count  with friends in Miami. For years, Soto mobilized voters as part of the Cuban American Democrats, before the organization disbanded earlier this year. “As I saw those early returns, I thought, can we do this? Is this possible?” 

Early returns showed Democrat David Jolly, the candidate for governor, leading Republican Byron Donalds, and Angie Nixon, the Democratic nominee for U.S. Senate, appeared to be locked in a tight race. In Miami-Dade County, where I grew up, it looked as though the Republican Rep. María Elvira Salazar could lose her House seat. And Republican Rep. Mario Díaz-Balart’s race initially looked reassuring, but later reporting revealed a much more competitive contest. 

Jolly came within roughly 1 point of winning the governor’s race, while Nixon came within roughly 3 points of flipping a U.S. Senate seat. Every county in Florida, except one, moved blue—in some cases, by double digits. 

Miami-Dade County had the highest voter turnout in a midterm election in more than two decades, and the country flipped blue after voting Republican in 2022.

As I write this, Salazar’s race has entered a recount and though Díaz-Balart has claimed victory, that race remains too close to call. It is a stunning turn of events when you consider that they are two longtime Republican incumbents running in heavily Hispanic districts. 

Nixon’s performance was particularly notable given the circumstances of her campaign. She was outspent by Republican-aligned outside groups, running in a state Trump carried comfortably in 2024. 

Many Cubans, who make up the largest share of voters in the city, cringe at the mere mention of socialism. And yet, Nixon made huge headway campaigning on an agenda that included Medicare for All, universal childcare, and other democratic socialist priorities. 

“It left me more energized than ever,” Soto said. “I thought, okay, maybe Florida now is where Texas was in 2018, 2020.” 

Latinos in Florida are feeling the impacts of Trump’s policies

Many Florida families have been battered by the Trump administration’s immigration policies. Haitians in South Florida who lost Temporary Protected Status have lost their jobs and are afraid to step outside. In Doral, where there is a strong Venezuelan community, some businesses have shuttered, and local officials are facing pressure over the city’s cooperation agreement with ICE. 

It’s true that Cubans and other Latinos in Miami supported Trump’s deportation policies and have stood by the Republican Party. But some have come to regret that support, and in part this election’s results bear that out.

And it’s not just immigration. South Florida is now considered one of the most expensive places in the country. 

Groceries are where Elisa Douglass, a jewelry-maker in Miami, feels it most. Her family used to spend about $150 a week on groceries. Now she shops at two or three different stores depending on what is on sale, and the bill is closer to $380. 

“The difference is crazy,” she said. Even a small pack of Bustelo coffee (a staple in many Latino households) costs $8. Her elderly parents, who live off $32,000 a year, lost their Medicaid as a result of recent federal policy changes and administrative cutbacks. 

To win Floridians in 2028, Democrats need to acknowledge, and promise to address, bread-and-butter economic challenges like these head-on. They need to make the case that protecting immigrant families and creating legal pathways for people who want to contribute to this country are in America's best interests.

How Florida is changing

To be sure, Florida has shifted in recent years. Senator Rick Scott and Gov. Ron DeSantis have shaped who moved to the state and changed how voter rolls were maintained. On paper, the state became much safer for Republicans. 

“It’s still a very Republican electorate at the end of the day,” Carlos Odio, a co-founder of Equis Labs said. Still, he cautioned, “you can’t start with the default assumption that Florida’s off the table.” 

Díaz-Balart nearly lost in a race that few people were focusing on or talking about. In Orlando, Democratic Rep. Darren Soto appeared to be holding on in a district redrawn after the Supreme Court’s Callais decision, which split the area’s Puerto Rican community across several districts and dropped his seat’s Hispanic share to about 36%.

Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez stumped for Nixon’s campaign. “We need to be pulling up for these candidates in the south,” she said in a video posted on Instagram. 

But to fund a serious program in Florida, national Democratic groups would need to focus on year-round organizing, instead of concentrating most of their efforts around election time. This matters especially because Florida has over 5.6 million registered Republicans, more than 4.1 million Democrats, and over 3.3 million with no party affiliation. Reaching and persuading even some of those unaffiliated voters could make a real difference in statewide elections.

‘Walking away has its own costs’

Chuck Rocha, the political strategist behind many Democratic wins this election, said his group spent “more than $2.6 million on Spanish-language ads, media and mail over three to four months,” and that Latino voters overperformed. “When you invest,” he said, “you can see the outcomes.”

Rocha argued that winning statewide would take longer-term investment, because many young Latinos are just becoming eligible to vote, and many are frustrated with both parties. That means reaching them on streaming services and YouTube, not network TV, to “remind people why their life sucks, and who’s to blame, and what you’re going to do to fix it.” 

But ads are only one piece. Democrats also need groups working in communities on issues like immigration and food insecurity, he said, outside election season. Showing up for Floridians outside of election season will build trust.

“The mantra was always: Florida’s too big, too complicated, too expensive,” Odio said. “But walking away has its own costs.”


What Making a Film About Iran Taught Me About Power

Young Iranian women walk together along a sidewalk in downtown Tehran, Iran, on April 23, 2026. —Morteza Nikoubazl-Nur Photo-Getty Images

More than a decade ago, in Tehran, Tahereh Noori, a ​35-year-old housewife, and her two teenage daughters killed her husband. They buried his body beneath the living room floor, under the coffee table. Tahereh had endured years of abuse, and all her attempts to obtain a divorce through Iran’s family courts had failed. The violence had become part of her children’s lives as well as her own. She felt there was no other way out.

When I first heard her story, I could not stop thinking about the distance between asking for a divorce and burying a husband beneath the floor. What had happened in those years? How had killing him come to seem like her only escape?

By the time my co-director, Farzad Jafari, and I began making An Eye for an Eye, a film about Taherah, she had spent 14 years in prison under the threat of execution. Under Iran’s system of qisas, her husband’s family could seek her execution or forgive her in exchange for diya, or blood money. Her temporary release on bail gave her a chance to participate in negotiations over her fate. Her children, now adults, were trying to raise the money that might save their mother’s life.

I had expected to make a film primarily about Tahereh and the tragic drama of her life: the violence she had endured, the legal system that had trapped her, and the possibility that she might be executed. Instead, making the film transformed my understanding of the strength of Iranian civil society.

Iranian lessons

During our research, we met activists who had devoted their time and attention to helping people facing the death penalty. This was how I got to know Farkhondeh Jabarzadegan, an anti-execution activist, and the women who volunteered alongside her. They were lawyers, social workers, activists, and ordinary citizens who had learned to navigate a legal system that families often struggled to contend with on their own. They did not work through a single organization or follow a formal plan. Much of their work was unpaid. Sometimes they simply knew whom to call.

At first, I thought of this as a practical response to a broken system. But the longer I watched, the clearer it became that I was seeing something more consequential. These women had built a kind of informal infrastructure of care. They knew which doors might open. They knew how to approach a grieving family. They knew when to argue and when to listen. They understood that telling grieving relatives they were wrong to stay angry would do little to persuade them to forgive a person who had killed someone they loved.

These women activists spent hours sitting with Tahereh’s husband’s relatives, asking them to reconsider. They would listen to anger without dismissing it. When the conversation turned to money, they tried to bring the amount of blood money demanded within reach of Tahereh’s family. Watching them, I became aware of how much skill it took to sustain what might look from the outside like an ordinary conversation. They were negotiating the terms of forgiveness with a family whose decision was bound up with grief, anger, faith, and money, and could determine whether Tahereh lived or died. And they were doing it without the power to compel anyone.

They also had to listen to Tahereh herself. After 14 years in prison, she was understandably angry and felt she had been punished enough. Her children were desperate to prevent her execution, whatever it took. Tahereh did not always agree with the people trying to help her. She often resisted their advice or became frustrated with the process. They were not helping an idealized or even always grateful victim. The volunteers kept working with her, responding to a complicated person in an impossible situation.

Navigating Tehran 

In making this film, I expected to encounter the many restrictions that Iranian society and its religious legal system imposed on women. I expected to see how the law oppressed and failed them. What surprised me was how much influence women had learned to exercise within those constraints. That influence was rarely dramatic. Often it took the form of quiet persistence, whether that meant making another phone call, finding another intermediary, or sitting down with someone who had already said no.

Their work made me think differently about what civil society means in a country where formal institutions may not provide people with the protections they need. We often think of civil society in terms of organizations, institutions, and public movements. But it can also take less visible forms. It can grow out of knowledge passed from one person to another, relationships built over years, and a willingness to intervene in the life of someone who is neither a friend nor a relative. The women I met had developed precisely this kind of network.

Their work also challenged an assumption I had held about what it means to live under a restrictive system. It is easy, particularly from outside Iran, to imagine people living under such systems primarily as powerless. But power does not disappear simply because the state is powerful. Power moves into other places. People living under authoritarian governments can still exercise power and influence through relationships, knowledge, social networks, and persuasion.

The women helping Tahereh could not rewrite the law. They could not compel her husband’s family to forgive her. They could not undo the violence that had already taken place. But they could open up possibilities within a system that seemed to leave very few. And that changed the way I thought about Iran. Through Tahereh’s story, I learned that Iran is not simply a society oppressed by its laws. Iran is also a society full of people who had become extraordinarily adept at navigating the country’s legal and political system.

The ingenuity these Iranian activists had developed was itself, in part, a consequence of the failures of the institutions around them. I wish they did not have to spend their time persuading families to spare families facing executions. Their efforts cannot substitute for laws that protect women from violence or for a justice system that treats them fairly. But their work reveals something that is easy to miss when all we see of Iran is its government: the persistence of a socially and culturally engaged population that has not surrendered its capacity to act.

Tahereh’s story began with a failure of institutions. A woman tried to leave an abusive marriage and could not. The violence escalated. Eventually, she and her daughters killed the abuser they believed they could not escape. But the story did not end there. Around Tahereh were people who refused to accept that her fate was predetermined. They could not erase the killing. They could not make the system fair. They could not guarantee forgiveness. They could intervene and they did.

 


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